Morgan Tsvangirai loved his country and it may have been epiphanic that he died on Valentine day; on the day that the consuming power of love is celebrated worldwide.
Starting today, until Sunday 14 February 2021, this column will publish a three-part series in fond remembrance of this gallant son of the soil who tenaciously fought for the true democratisation of the country of his birth.
Through a careful reading of this series, which includes some material that has previously been published, discerning readers will have their scruples answered on several issues that may have been grappling their minds, especially those who missed some of the material at the time it was written and published some three years back.
Tsvangirai has a rich legacy that is being strenuously torn asunder by this treacherous and mercenary lot among us; the wicked motley that has chosen to be Zanu PF’s willing tool in the macabre plot to decimate the people’s project.
The Morgan Tsvangirai I know must certainly be violently turning in his grave at this unbridled treachery and the annihilation of his legacy by these latter-day Judas Iscariots.
I wrote the following piece as an obituary soon after Morgan Tsvangirai’s demise in February 2018. Today, I republish the same in commemoration of this gallant son of Zimbabwe. It’s an obituary worth reading because it sets the record straight in many respects. It is my humble submission that it will always be a piece worth reading, even for the umpteenth time.
In memory of Morgan Tsvangirai
Facts are stubborn. It is trite to state that the story of this country cannot be written without according veneration to the name of Morgan Richard Tsvangirai.
For there is no debate that Tsvangirai deserves his own space in the national narrative for the significant role he has played in shaping the country’s post-liberation politics.
Fate is a capricious woman and the whole journey was never planned, as the man himself often said. It was mother fate that often tended to throw him to the deep end.
As he always told me, it all started during midnight conversations at the national labour federation’s elective congress in Gweru in 1988.
He did not even want to run for office and most delegates at that elective congress, including Tsvangirai himself, had tipped veteran journalist Charles Chikerema to clinch the powerful post of secretary-general of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions.
Albert Mugabe, the brother to former President Robert Mugabe, had been leading the ZCTU and everyone at the congress was convinced that Chikerema, yet another relative of Mugabe, would ascend to the powerful post of secretary general of the ZCTU.
But the delegates’ conversations on that ominous night on the eve of the elections in Gweru expressed doubts on whether Chikerema would be able to wean off the ZCTU from the firm clutches of government, where previous leaders had unwittingly left the country’s labour federation.
Some within the ZCTU wanted the labour body to break away from the firm clutches of government control and they were convinced Tsvangirai would be the man to drive the ZCTU to full autonomy. Emissaries from the various affiliate unions spent the whole night in Morgan Tsvangirai’s hotel room seeking to convince him to run for the powerful post of secretary general.
Morgan Tsvangirai, then a leader of the mine-workers’ union, eventually agreed to run after fellow delegates had made persuasive arguments about the unsuitability of Chikerema. The delegates had their misgivings on whether the veteran scribe would give the ZCTU its deserved autonomy from government control, given his relationship to Robert Mugabe.
It was almost morning when Tsvangirai finally agreed to run for the post of secretary-general, which he won a few hours later, setting the stage for a 30-year tenure in the national limelight as a doyen of the country’s democratic struggle.
When I heard the news of his death at exactly 1737hours on Wednesday, 14 February 2018, I mused over how this journey that started in 1988 had painfully ended 30 years later, some 24 days before his 66th birthday.
His life was a tenuous journey in which he was prejudiced of the Presidency following his watershed victory in the elections held on 29 March 2008. Given his mammoth love for the country and its people, he humbled himself and settled for the junior post of Prime Minister.
Morgan Tsvangirai was to rescue the country from a debilitating crisis and poise the nation for stability, growth and development in a mere four years as premier of Zimbabwe. Driving a stability and growth agenda through the Government Work Programme that was steered by the Prime Minister’s Office, Tsvangirai showed his competence on the wheel of government during his four-year stint in government.
Indeed, the song “Dollar for two yakauya naTsvangirai” will forever stand as testimony to the verdict by ordinary Zimbabweans that the man’s tenure as Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister was synonymous with affordable prices of basic commodities and a “livable” country.
As the nation stood on the cusp of a crucial election in which he was expected to win resoundingly, mother Fate again intervened. This time, cruel fate took him to the grave, leaving a despondent nation shell-shocked.
He was a man I knew so well. To me, he was a father, a man I served for a decade as his spokesperson until his death.
A boss.
A friend.
We travelled the world and across the country together. We spent many times talking about the country and the people he so much loved.
Tokyo, Washington, London, Canberra, Beijing, Paris, Berlin, the Swiss Alps in Davos and many other world capitals, I had the privilege of accompanying him as his spokesperson. During those trips across the globe, he often charmed the world and gave revered speeches to bemused audiences, especially during his stint as Prime Minister of Zimbabwe and leader of the country’s opposition.
We travelled together to Windhoek, Pretoria, Luanda, Maputo, Nairobi, Accra, Dar es Salaam, Abidjan, Lagos and many other African capitals. Across the whole of Africa, I saw for myself the respect African citizens gave to this courageous African who had chosen to confront—with nothing but his bare hands and an unstinting tenacity—the murderous regime of one of Africa’s tyrants.
In the country, we travelled together from Plumtree to Chipinge, from Nyanga to Chirundu and from Mt. Darwin to Binga down in the Zambezi escarpment as he engaged in his favourite pastime—-meeting ordinary people and getting their input into how the democratic struggle ought to be prosecuted.
The last time we traversed the country together for one-and-half months—sometimes sleeping in the car—-was the period between January and February 2017 when we sought the ordinary people’s input into the MDC Congress resolution to enter into a formidable alliance with other political players.
We sat together until late in the night after that tour as we penned his piece after that highly informing jaunt. The piece, in keeping with his natural disposition as a listening leader, was entitled “I heard You.”
The people had unanimously and unequivocally endorsed the formation of an Alliance. This is how the MDC Alliance was formed, which Alliance is now being tenaciously fought by Zanu PF through the mercenary and treacherous lot that has sought to betray both Tsvangirai’s legacy and the last hope of the generality of the people of Zimbabwe.
Tsvangirai was a boss any rational person could wish for; the only boss I know who could afford to attend funerals of relatives of his underlings, as he did in 2015 when he came unannounced to my rural home in Domboshava for the burial of my grandmother, Martha Tamborenyoka Gombera.
He was a leader who would wait to give an ear to everyone, whatever their social station. He often had tiffs with his security personnel, whom he always wanted to relax their tight protocols and allow ordinary people to shake his hand and to speak to him.
Party members and ordinary villagers would come from as far away as Mt. Darwin and be granted an ear at his residence, first in Strathaven and later in Highlands; even against the advice of security personnel who often wanted to refer these ordinary party members to channel their grievances and concerns through their respective provincial leaders.
Not with Tsvangirai, who would insist he wanted to get the untainted, raw concerns from ordinary supporters, undiluted by the strictures and drudgery of officialdom, party hierarchy and bureaucracy.
That was vintage Tsvangirai. Always a man of the people.
His death came as a shock…especially against the background of my last two moments with him.
The first of our last two personal and direct engagements was on Friday, 5 January 2018 after his meeting with Emmerson Mnangagwa who had come to visit him at his Highlands home.
It was at that meeting at his residence that he intimated to me the details of his private discussion with Mnangagwa. At the same meeting, he told me to tell the world that he was about to leave the country and he would leave Vice President Nelson Chamisa as acting President and he asked me to call Chamisa.
The other two VP Mudzuri and VP Khupe had previously acted in his absence and this was going to be Chamisa’s first stint as acting President. Chamisa declined to be the acting, saying Khupe hated him so much and it was not going to be good to have a sulking Khupe publicly throwing all sorts of invective when the boss was not in good health.
Chamisa said he did not want an impression of a fight in the cockpit when the President was being treated in hospital. Chamisa respectfully declined and suggested that his acting Presidency be passed over to Mudzuri. It was then that President Tsvangirai told me to issue a statement communicating to the world that VP Mudzuri would be acting President.
For the record, present in the meeting that Friday afternoon when Chamisa declined to act as President, apart from Tsvangirai himself, was his wife Elizabeth, his brother Manaseh Tsvangirai, President Tsvangirai’s uncle Innocent Zvaipa and myself.
It is ironic that after I had issued the communication that Mudzuri was the acting president, Khupe took issue with me, saying that as the only VP elected at Congress, she was the one who should always act in the President’s absence.
I referred her queries to the President, under whose authority and direction I had done the communication. President Tsvangirai just laughed at the whole matter and said if Khupe had issues around the acting Presidency, she should contact him.
Ironically, a month later, Mudzuri, for whom Khupe had raised concerns when he was was chosen to act, was to dispute my communication of the President’s directive that Chamisa was now the acting party leader.
President Tsvangirai gave me the directive to communicate that Chamisa was now the acting President on the 7th of February 2018 after he learnt that Khupe, Mudzuri and Mwonzora were meeting with Amai Joyce Mujuru in Cape Town for alliance without his knowledge, and without the involvement of Chamisa who had given the responsibility to negotiate with other political leaders on his behalf.
My last face-to-face meeting with my boss was on Monday, 8 January 2018, the day before he left for South Africa, never to come back alive. The previous Friday, he had asked me to draft a belated New Year’s message to the people of Zimbabwe, in which he was hinting at his imminent retirement.
He told me that it was important to signal to the world that he would not hold the nation at ransom; that he would not hold on to the party presidency if his doctors told him his health would not permit him to withstand the rigorous of an election campaign.
He wanted to give advance notice to the people of Zimbabwe on the possibility of his retirement, which he would only confirm upon his return after consulting his doctors.
He perused his script, made minor corrections and certified that I distribute it, only for the same script to cause a major furore in the party, with some misguided elements lying that the statement did not have president Tsvangirai’s blessings.
It is important to state that present at the foyer of his Highlands residence as he authenticated that statement hinting at a possible retirement was his brother Manasseh and Jameson Timba, who later arrived as the President and I were finishing the work on his script, in which he hinted at handing over the baton to others. It was a possibility which he said he would only confirm upon his return depending on the advice from his doctors.
Sadly, he was to return with his body lying in the soft requiem of death; the inimitable raspy and raucous laughter never to be heard again at Harvest House.
Yes, he left for the infirmary in South Africa on Tuesday, 9 January 2018, never to return alive to the country and the people he loved so much. He regularly phoned and at one point asked me to come over to South Africa so we could discuss a lot of issues, including the book that I was assisting him to write—-Service and Sacrifice. (The book is with the publisher and will most likely hit the book stands any time in the aftermath of this lockdown).
I told then acting president Mudzuri that president Tsvangirai wanted me in South Africa. The then acting president promised to facilitate my trip before logistical impediments were deliberately thrown in the way to ensure that the trip never materialised.
President Tsvangirai later called to express his regrets that I had failed to turn up in South Africa. On Wednesday, 7 February 2018, he called again using a hospital staffer’s cellphone and told me that he had learnt and had even seen pictures to the effect that Mudzuri, Khupe and Mwonzora had left the country for a meeting in Cape Town without even the courtesy of informing him, leaving Chamisa as the only VP still in the country.
He said he was reverting to his first position on Friday, 5 January 2018 when he had delegated Chamisa to be the acting President. I could tell he was angry at the team that was in SA without his knowledge when he asked me to issue a statement communicating that Chamisa was now the acting President until his return from South Africa.
There are some who took issue with my statement but this is the Presidency we are talking about, a whole institution which has its own unique ways of operation and in which the whims of an individual staffer cannot just hold sway.
Even the then chief of staff Sessel Zvidzai can testify to the veracity of the President’s position when it comes to who was acting President at the time of Morgan Tsvangirai’s death.
President Tsvangirai told me from South Africa that his health was slowly failing him and that the thrust of the book – Service and Sacrifice – should change into a valediction and not to remain as a simple story of the party’s capacity to deliver to the people as shown during the era of the inclusive government.
I felt tears swelling in my eyes before assuring him that he would be fine and he would rejoin us in the struggle soon.
Alas, that was never to be.
My father.
My boss.
My friend.
He was a close friend who would at times call me and my wife for dinner and to assure me that he took cognizance of my loyalty and committed service to the party and to himself, oftentimes with no salary.
He once invited me and my wife to his house for dinner where he shared many of his thoughts on a variety of issues in a convivial atmosphere. Also present at that meeting at his house in June 2017 was a mutual friend, Sydney Masamvu.
As the party and the nation mourned him, I could help but reminisce on the many moments we shared; the many thoughts he intimated to me on controversial subjects such as family politics, succession and his vision for the future.
In our last conversation when he called from South Africa, he told me he had instructed the medical executives at the hospital where he was receiving treatment that apart from the members of his immediate family, I was also to be informed about his health. That is how the medical staff kept in contact with me until they called to relay the tragic message that he had passed on.
In his final moment, I would have loved the leadership then to give this man a befitting send-off. I sincerely hoped that the needless cockpit stampede should have been put in abeyance, at least in the veneration of this doyen of our struggle.
His will remain a story of fortitude and tenacity and there is no doubt that Morgan Tsvangirai left ineradicable footprints on the sands of the country’s history.
Thanks for the memories, Pakuru.
Rest in eternal peace, gallant son of Zimbabwe.
Tamborinyoka served as Morgan Tsvangirai’s spokesperson for 10 years until the icon’s death in 2018. You can interact with Tamborinyoka on his Facebook page or on the twitter handle @luketambo.
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Zimbabwe's History Can't Exclude Tsvangirai -Tamborinyoka Tribute
3 years agoSat, 13 Feb 2021 08:13:32 GMT
![Zimbabwe's History Can't Exclude Tsvangirai -Tamborinyoka Tribute](/_next/image/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fzero.pindula.co.zw%2Fmedia%2Fnews%2Farticles%2Fzimbabwes-history-cant-exclude-tsvangirai-tamborinyoka-tribute.webp&w=640&q=75)
Luke Tamborinyoka has written a tribute to the late former Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai saying Zimbabwe’s history cannot be written without mentioning his former boss. Tamborinyoka is the Deputy Secretary for Presidential Affairs in the MDC Alliance led by Advocate Nelson Chamisa has written a tribute to the late former Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. Belo is the tribute that was first was published in February 2018.
THIS Sunday, 14 February 2021 marks the third anniversary of the death of Morgan Tsvangirai, the icon of our time.