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Political commentator Brighton Mutebuka has hit back at Freeman Chari’s assertion that Nelson Chamisa, the former leader of the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), personalised the movement with his doctrine of “Strategic Ambiguity.”
Chari, a veteran opposition activist based in the United States, who has had extensive involvement with MDC, MDC-T, MDC Alliance, and CCC, claimed that when the movement was first founded, there was a collective consensus on the importance of having a constitution and structured organisation.
However, he argued that Chamisa’s principle of Strategic Ambiguity led to the abandonment of those initial agreements, effectively disregarding the foundational promises.
In a sharp response posted on X, Mutebuka accused Chari of exposing sensitive, private discussions to the public. He criticized Chari for breaking confidentiality and airing internal matters outside the party.
Mutebuka further revealed that Chamisa was never interested in working with former senior MDC officials who had left the party under the leadership of the late Morgan Tsvangirai.
Notable figures such as Welshman Ncube, Tendai Biti, and Job Sikhala, who departed at various points, later returned to join the MDC Alliance—something Mutebuka suggests Chamisa did not fully support. Wrote Mutebuka:
<blockquote>
For the record, we all agreed on the fundamentals. Where we differ is our understanding of the dynamics involved &amp; how to resolve them.
Confidential &amp; private discussions should always be kept under lock &amp; key to engender enduring trust &amp; relationships.
Even disagreements aren’t enough to move away from that caveat. This is a cardinal rule in politics.
My assessment, which I have highlighted consistently, is that there was no love lost btn Chamisa &amp; his erstwhile colleagues from the Tsvangirai era.
He was forced to embrace them when he inherited the MDC-A from Tsvangirai. That’s also where the likes of Tshabangu came from.
With trust &amp; confidence low, and the by-elections of March 2022 a mere 2 months after CCC’s formation, there was never enough time to complete the formalities of adopting a party Constitution at the time.
None other than Prof Ncube himself confirmed this to me in 2022. The draft remained just that.
The lack of trust was terminal, with many lying in wait to pounce &amp; break away soon after the elections.
Chamisa was clearly aware of this. It’s what informed Strategic Ambiguity &amp; the adoption of the Constitution that I criticised.
So the two were forced on him, as extreme measures / strategies which he hoped would be sufficient to stem infiltration &amp; hijacking of the party – with Mwonzora’s then recent antics still raw.
Let’s not forget echoes of a haunting past involving Biti &amp; Ncube’s damaging break aways from Tsvangirai as well.
Every strategy has got it’s pros &amp; cons. SA succeeded in exposing ED’s hand in the infiltration of CCC using state machinery.
However, it came at a heavy price of reputational harm domestically &amp; internationally vis-a-vis a perceived lack of adherence to democratic norms.
Many hadn’t bargained for ED being that brazen &amp; going to such extremes in pursuit of a life presidency.
The paralysis Freeman refers to post election is attributable to ED’s infiltration.
Chamisa succeeded in exposing the regime for conducting a sham election, which was confirmed by SADC’s SEOM Final Report.
That’s the best he could do under the circumstances with a hopelessly compromised party.
Freeman is unable or unwilling to accept that Ncube &amp; his crew’s behaviour is consistent with those that have been co-opted.
By breaking free &amp; starting afresh, Chamisa has got one final chance to start a project on his own terms &amp; for which he will be ultimately responsible!
It won’t be a walk in the park, but it’s for the best that a line be drawn in the sand concerning a very painful &amp; traumatic past!
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

Pindula News

Nelson Chamisa did not want Welshman Ncube and Tendai Biti in his new party, the Citizens Coalition for Change. Some people say Chamisa didn't want to work with them because he didn't trust them. Others say he wanted to stop his party from being taken over by his enemies. Chamisa had to make tough choices to protect his party from being controlled by others. Now, he has a chance to start fresh with his own project and show that he can lead on his own terms.

Chamisa Did Not Want Welshman Ncube And Tendai Biti In CCC, Says Mutebuka

UK-based Zimbabwean lawyer, Brighton Mutebuka, says former Citizens’ Coalition for Change (CCC) leader Nelson Chamisa has been vindicated for pursuing a strategy of “strategic ambiguity.”
This approach involved keeping the party’s structure and leadership organisation deliberately vague and amorphous.
Chamisa aimed to make it difficult for opponents to infiltrate the party or target specific individuals, and to protect the CCC from internal and external threats.
By not having a clear leadership hierarchy or a formal constitution, Chamisa sought to obscure the party’s inner workings and make it challenging for adversaries to fully understand the CCC’s operations.
Chamisa’s critics, however, argued that this strategy allowed him to maintain personal control over the party, leading to a lack of transparency and accountability.
The emergence of Sengezo Tshabangu, who claimed to be the party’s interim secretary-general, and the subsequent recall of dozens of CCC Members of Parliament and Councillors, have been blamed on the “strategic ambiguity” approach.
However, Mutebuka believes that this strategy exposed senior party figures who were allegedly undermining Chamisa and working for the ruling ZANU PF party. Mutebuka posted on X:
<blockquote>
Strategic Ambiguity Revisited
1. Without the much-maligned “Strategic Ambiguity” by Nelson Chamisa’s critics, your Mafumes, Ncubes, Hwendes and others would have held legitimate and formal posts.
2. They would have declared what on paper would have appeared like a legitimate &amp; bona fide split of CCC.
3. Such a split would have appeared credible, meaning some opposition supporters would have genuinely believed them &amp; the grievances that they would have identified as the cause of the split.
4. At this point in time, Chamisa has now been emphatically vindicated.
5. That’s because, it’s now clear even to his worst critics that he had been surrounded by regime infiltrators, collaborators &amp; apologists hitherto masquerading as genuine opposition politicians.
6. The strategy has acted as a political sieve, by exposing the political mercenaries in his midst.
7. That has in turn given him the best possible chance to undertake a successful political reset by rebuilding his political spaceship anew free from political contamination.
8. He is now clearly free from some of the political junk he inconveniently inherited from Alliance Project.
9. As we have now discovered, that “Orbital Junk” was outwardly laden with name &amp; brand recognition while inwardly hollow &amp; conspiratorial Brutus like.
10. The infiltration won’t stop, so strong &amp; effective round the clock measures have to be taken to address this scourge on an ongoing basis.
11. Chamisa’s reputation suffered immensely as Strategic Ambiguity was roundly condemned from a democracy &amp; good governance standpoint.
12. He lost the narrative battle but won the war &amp; had the last laugh. Now he can rebuild, incorporating the lessons he has learnt, balancing between democratic &amp; Strategic imperatives!
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

Nelson Chamisa was criticized for not having clear leadership in his party, but now people see it was a good plan. By keeping things secret, he protected his party from enemies. Some members claimed to have leadership roles, causing chaos in the party. But this exposed those who were not loyal. Chamisa's reputation suffered, but in the end, he won. Now, he can start fresh and be smarter about who he trusts. It's important for him to keep out people who don't really support his party.

Chamisa's "Strategic Ambiguity" Approach Paid Off - Mutebuka

UK-based Zimbabwean lawyer Brighton Mutebuka has come to the defence of former CCC leader Nelson Chamisa, who has faced significant criticism on social media in recent days.
High-profile figures, including journalist Hopewell Chin’ono and academic Ibbo Mandaza, have suggested that Chamisa might have been bribed by President Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Together with self-exiled former ZANU PF Politburo member Savior Kasukuwere’s ally, Ali Naka, they have called for Chamisa to publicly announce his retirement from politics to make way for another opposition candidate, even threatening to “expose” him.
In a post on X, Mutebuka claimed that the allegations against Chamisa originated from his former close ally, Chalton Hwende. Wrote Mutebuka:
<blockquote>
SADC Summit and Beyond – The Smear Campaign To Delegitimise Nelson Chamisa
1. As previously stated, I have tried to get to the bottom of the rumours that were swirling on X yesterday suggesting that Chamisa’s perceived inaction in the aftermath of the stolen August 2023 elections was due to being “bought” by the regime.
2. The innuendos relating to this were mainly circulated by Victor, the X character known as Ali Naka &amp; discredited journalist, Hopewell Chin’ono amongst others, on the X accounts.
3. The insinuation was that they had explosive evidence at the ready which confirmed that Chamisa had corruptly accepted bribes from the regime &amp; thus been compromised so as to literally upend the democratic struggle for the benefit the regime.
4. The good Prof Ibbo Mandaza was also, unfortunately, a victim of the sophisticated Russian-style disinformation campaign timed to perfection – in the immediate aftermath of ED’s coronation at the SADC Summit in Harare – which was a painful blow to swallow to the opposition movement.
5. The well-coordinated campaign was very effective in making the saga trend. In the end, I resolved to get to the bottom of it by seeking to establish the source of the campaign &amp; the motive behind it.
What Emerged From My Research – Source Of The Rumour(s)
a. At least 5 well-placed sources identified Chalton Hwende as the source of the allegations.
b. The sources further stated that Hwende did not only level accusations of financial impropriety against Chamisa.
c. I will not address the other allegation that was made, of a personal nature and extremely hurtful.
d. The sources stated that the allegations were shared with Ali Naka and discredited journalist Hopewell Chin’ono, amongst others.
e. It was confirmed to me that there was no iota of evidence to support the long-shot allegation that a local Law Firm had secretly stored the “stash.”
f. The sources stated that there are current behind-the-scenes manoeuvres at forging “unity” &amp; returning to the banner of the old MDC which has sucked in Mwonzora, Prince Dubeko Sibanda, Hwende &amp; others – with all of them being united by the idea that Chamisa is the main obstacle – which would then open grounds for an Détente with ED’s regime.
g. The sources further stated that Hwende &amp; others are conspiring to ensure that Nelson Chamisa never appears on Zimbabwean ballot papers again – including helping to cause his arrest by the regime if was felt necessary.
h. An alleged Nigerian kingpin who Hopewell &amp; Hwende allegedly said had paid both Hwende &amp; Chamisa, a certain Peters – who is allegedly ED’s runner apparently fell out with Hwende sometime in 2021 &amp; had actually been Hwende’s business partner.
i. It was stated that the scope &amp; breadth of Hopewell’s motivations are many and varied, including the possibility of entertaining launching his own solo political career.
j. Additionally, in addition to these 5 sources – over the past 2 years other sources have disclosed that Hopewell has got an exceptionally close relationship with the First Lady – who is a former intelligence operative herself.
Motives Behind The Allegations
1. Some of the sources stated that they believe that the strategy was to wage a disinformation campaign by whipping opposition supporters into an anti-Chamisa frenzy &amp; delegitimising him as an opposition stalwart.
2. Craft a convincing narrative to account for the implosion in CCC which shifts the blame away from Hwende &amp; others – which is the current situation – to Chamisa.
3. To emphatically destroy Chamisa as a political force for good, through severely denting his image and integrity – and creating a compelling &amp; corrupt link between the inaction after the elections &amp; the reason for that inaction.
4. For Hwende &amp; his cabal to personally cleanse themselves of the stigma surrounding their current dalliances with the regime and the fallout with Chamisa amongst opposition supporters.
5. It was said that such a development would, in the eyes of the plotters, engineer a soft landing for them to be welcomed by rank &amp; file opposition supporters across the country – with it being notable that none have so far had the temerity to undertake such rallies.
6. It was stated that the intention was to pave the way, so to speak – banking on the fact that some opposition supporters could be gullible.
Key Points To Note
i. It is significant that none of the shady characters in the form of the notorious Russian-style social media agitator 
Ali Naka &amp; Hopewell Chin’ono – who is more of a political activist than a Journalist, has put forward any explicit or compelling evidence corroborating their sensational &amp; deeply irresponsible allegations.
ii. All they have done is deploy blackmail via threatening to disclose the information – a classic tool usually employed by professional character assassins/mandarins or Czars.
iii. Such a strategy is deadly when no such evidence exists. Intelligence assets are also prone to employing it – as the tantalising threat will be more appealing to the public, and is thus attention-grabbing.
iv. This will allow it to gain credence &amp; circulation via amplification up to the point that it will appear authentic &amp; thus become agenda-shaping.
v. In the current situation, the combined X platforms of Hopewell &amp; Victor / aka Ali Naka have got close to a million followers across the world.
vi. Working the X algorithm – impressions wise, they have reached an audience of several million and made the saga trend while shifting the opinions of many on the Zimbabwean political landscape &amp; beyond.
vii. As you can see, it’s an effective disinformation campaign. No one will be held accountable. No evidence will be presented, and a restive population has been manipulated.
viii. The agitators have partially succeeded in discrediting Chamisa while offering no practical solutions themselves in addressing the political crisis pursuant to creating a vacuum that they deludedly think can either exploit themselves – or by default help the regime to do it.
ix. Where the strategy has been perfectly executed is in combining excellent timing – in the immediate aftermath of the SADC Summit, where ED emerged triumphant &amp; opposition supporters despondent – and the weaponisation of Chamisa’s “Bible Verses”, in the face of inaction. The agitators had their perfect scapegoat!
x. Once the passions had been stirred enough, reason evaporated. Multitudes were ripe enough to gullibly accept that millions of US dollars could fall into Chamisa’s hands – and such a windfall could secretly be transacted &amp; known by Hwende &amp; others for so long without any paper trail, picture, image and the regime getting wind of it &amp; arresting him &amp; splashing the evidence in the media a la Pious Ncube?
xi. Much more importantly, if ED has successfully compromised Chamisa, why does he need the Tshabangu charade to do this bidding?
xii. Finally, there is the small matter of the hollow brand of politics that Hwende &amp; his cabal have been transacting since they parted their ways with Chamisa. So timid have they been in opposing ED that to the discerning – they are much more likely to be the primary reason for why demos were never on the menu while Chamisa was still at the helm of CCC!
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

Brighton Mutebuka defended Nelson Chamisa against bribery accusations. Some people said Chamisa was bribed by President Mnangagwa. They want Chamisa to quit politics. Mutebuka said the accusations came from Chalton Hwende. The goal was to damage Chamisa's reputation and support. The accusers didn't have proof of bribery. They used social media to spread lies. Mutebuka said the accusers wanted to cover their own wrongdoings. They wanted to discredit Chamisa. But their plan didn't have evidence and was just a smear campaign. Chamisa's supporters were tricked.

Mutebuka Stands Up For Chamisa Amid Bribery Allegations

Brighton Mutebuka, a UK-based Zimbabwean political analyst, says President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s efforts to address the Gukurahundi atrocities will fall short unless comprehensive measures are taken. 
These include ensuring proper justice, healing, honesty, specialist support (such as counselling), dignified burials, accountability, issuance of identity documents, estate resolution, and fair compensation for victims and their families. Wrote Mutebuka:
<blockquote>
<h2>Is ED’s Current Attempt At ‘Burying The Ghost’ Of Gukurahundi A Credible Attempt At Addressing The Subject?</h2>
1. When historians finally sit down to mull over ED’s legacy, one of the central themes that will emerge about his rule is sincerity/genuineness.
2. Thus, while it is clear that resolving the contentious Gukurahundi atrocities is the right thing to do, there are huge question marks over the HOW part of it.
3. At present, we are seeing ED and his regime all over the relevant processes – seeking to dictate and control events.
4. Presumably, ED intends to bring lasting closure for the victims by affording them proper justice, healing, honesty, and specialist support, such as counselling, proper burial, accountability, the provision of identity documents, the winding up of Estates and compensation, amongst other things.
5. Anything short of the above will not hack it – and will prolong the suffering of victims and stall genuine attempts at healing, the achievement of lasting peace, and nation-building.
6. Having waited for so long, the victims deserve a credible process. As to what is credible or not – this can only be adequately addressed via a genuine consultative process involving victims and their family members.
7. It is respectfully that ED and the State should not be anywhere near that process. This is because they face accusations of being the perpetrators in the first place.
8. Their active involvement leaves them open to charges of creating an intimidatory atmosphere – which defeats the very objective that is ostensibly being sought.
9. In fact, given the prevailing political environment in Zimbabwe at the moment, (and ED &amp; his regime’s central role in it), which is more or less marked by the very toxic, brutal &amp; predatory politics that underpinned Gukurahundi, there are compelling reasons to ask whether or not it is appropriate for ED and his regime to superintend over this process.
10. There is something extraordinarily jarring/farcical about this taking place in an environment where more, not less rank authoritarianism is taking place – and new and frightening levels of repression are the order of the day – meaning a piling list of even more, not less victims that a future government will need to address.
11. There are two schools of thought that I propose to share. The first one is that, given the sensitivity and importance of the subject – and given the mistakes that were committed through ramming the Unity Accord down ZAPU’s throat in 1988, there is no point in proceeding with the current initiative in isolation, prior to addressing the current political environment &amp; recoiling from the current path of egregious human rights violations.
12. The second one is that there is no point in proceeding with the current process if it is not independent of the state and ED’s shadow as it will not adequately address or meet the needs of the victims.
13. In fact, I stand to be corrected but, as presently constituted, it is likely to be viewed as a rubber-stamping exercise lacking the buy-in of the victims.
14. If my take is correct, then it will have to be redone properly sometime in the future once optimum conditions have been achieved.
<h2>Conclusion</h2>
This is a project of great historical and national importance. It presents a sore point/festering wound/injustice/fault line that has acted as a formidable barrier in moulding a cohesive, stable, peaceful and enduring post-independent state.
There currently does not appear to be a genuine appetite to address the grievances and fissures which marked the fault lines that were inherited at independence.
Indeed many in the Matabeleland provinces still continue to complain bitterly about marginalisation, prejudice and discrimination by the nation-state.
That needs to be addressed on an urgent basis – and included as part of credible attempts at addressing the troubling legacy of Gukurahundi – which should additionally be linked to wider efforts at establishing lasting peace in Zimbabwe.
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

Brighton Mutebuka thinks President Mnangagwa's plan to address Gukurahundi is not enough. He says victims need justice, healing, counseling, dignified burials, and fair compensation. Some questions are: Is the President sincere? Should he be involved in the process? Mutebuka suggests the process should be independent from the government. He says the current political environment in Zimbabwe is not good for such an important task. This project is crucial for national healing and peace. Victims deserve a proper process that addresses their needs. It is important to also address other issues like marginalization and prejudice in the country.

Pertinent Questions On Approach To Gukurahundi - Mutebuka

Political analyst Brighton Mutebuka asserts that a push by some of President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s supporters for him to remain in office beyond the conclusion of his second term in 2028 will not come to fruition unless there is a flagrant violation of the National Constitution. Wrote Mutebuka:
<blockquote>
<h2>Complications Arising From The “EDNgaarambe Achingo Tonga” Slogan!</h2>
1. Zimbabwe’s Constitution says it can’t. ED’s term has to end in 2028. There is no Constitutional provision that allows its extension/amendment &amp; allows him to benefit from it.
2. Whatever he is trying to do, it will be unconstitutional, even if he succeeds in doing it.
3. The November 2017 coup was only successful because Chiwenga had control of the Army and managed to unleash it &amp; tanks on the streets, there was national &amp; international consensus that Bob was old, potentially physically &amp; mentally incapacitated, had overstayed, had to go &amp; Grace Mugabe was unhinged &amp; could not succeed him.
4. Catriona Laing, the ex-British envoy was also highly instrumental in immobilising British, EU &amp; regional opposition to the coup – while selling ED as business-oriented, not an ideologue &amp; someone they could work with when re-setting relations &amp; bringing Zim back from pariah status, which ensured that there was a lot of goodwill when ED assumed power.
5. Chiwenga clearly put his neck on the line to topple Robert Mugabe. It is common cause that he feels entitled to succeed ED to reap the mother of all dividends from that desperately dicey enterprise.
6. From a personal ambition point of view, it is plainly the case that he stands to lose the most from any interruption to the current Constitutional processes.
7. He will feel that he has been patient, tolerant and respectful enough.
8. Due to his lengthy ties to the deep state which potentially rivals those of ED, he will likely routinely receive his own intelligence concerning ED’s plans well ahead of time.
9. Again just like ED, he will likely have sufficient clout/influence /reach within the very belly of the deep state to scuttle ED’s plans.
10. ED’s grave miscalculation stems from his failure to appreciate that the pursuit of a 3rd term immediately triggers a risk of a direct confrontation with Chiwenga for interrupting his “Great Expectations.”
11. It is that potential confrontation which presents an existential threat to both of them due to the uncertainty which arises from a complex array of the variables involved.
12. It’s essentially a no-holds-barred, explosive winner-takes-all all duel with an uncertain outcome. There is so much at stake being gambled for so little in return.
13. As the “winner” will be engulfed in illegitimacy, unlike November 2017, they will not be accepted nationally, regionally &amp; internationally.
14. All roads are then likely to lead to a negotiated settlement guaranteed by regional/international bodies.
15. However, if Chiwenga prevails, (depending on how he does this), he can potentially constitutionally lay claim to the “throne” on the basis that he presents a continuation of the previous regime.
16. That can only be a feasible prospect if he somehow ejects ED’s current “checkmate” at the Constitutional Court in the form of Malaba as litigation will clearly be inevitable in such a situation!
17. Again if Chiwenga prevails, he has got no option but to distance his regime as far away from ED’s as possible – and take the João Manuel Gonçalves Lourenço GColIH’s approach (Angolan President &amp; Dos Santos’s successor from the same ruling party) to sanitise his then new regime’s own reputation from the current stench.
18. Such an approach presents a huge risk to ED, his family and acolytes – and potentially informs the current reluctance to give up power.
19. I am tempted to conclude that if ED had full confidence that Chiwenga would protect him &amp; any ill-gotten wealth he has amassed after exiting power, we would not be seeing these current shenanigans.
20. Regardless of how this pans out, there can be no doubt that ED is testing Chiwenga’s soul &amp; cojones to the fullest extent humanly possible!
<h2>Conclusion</h2>
Everything else we are currently seeing is collateral damage in this vicious and highly dangerous power struggle. The political intrigue is certainly gathering momentum.
At the moment, it’s still delicately hanging just on the margins of the political shadows, finely poised and too early to tell who lands the fatal &amp; decisive blow, how &amp; when. But make no mistake …. it’s coming!
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

Zimbabwe's President Emmerson Mnangagwa may not be able to stay in power beyond 2028 according to the Constitution. There is a power struggle between Mnangagwa and Vice President Chiwenga. Chiwenga wants to take over after Mnangagwa. If he succeeds, there may be a negotiated settlement. But if Chiwenga prevails, he will distance himself from Mnangagwa's regime. Mnangagwa is reluctant to give up power because he may lose his wealth and safety. The political intrigue is intense and dangerous. It's unclear who will come out on top in this battle for power.

Complications Arising From The "ED Ngaarambe Achingotonga" Slogan - Mutebuka

UK-based Zimbabwean lawyer and academic Brighton Mutebuka says Neville Sunungurai Mutsvangwa, the son of ZANU PF power couple Christopher and Monica Mutsvangwa, could be in trouble following his arrest on Wednesday.
Neville’s mother, Monica is the Minister of Women’s Affairs, Community, Small and Medium Enterprises Development and his father, Chris, is the ZANU PF spokesperson and chairman of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association.
He appeared in court on Friday, 10 May, facing one count of contravening section 5(1)(a)(ii) of the Exchange Control Act [Chapter 22:05] as read with section 4(1)(a)(1) of the Exchange Control Regulations SI 109 of 1996 “Dealing in foreign currency”, one count of contravening the Bank Use Promotion and Suppression of Money Laundering Act and another count of contravening the Money Laundering and Proceeds of Crime Act, and contravening the Postal and Telecommunication Act.
Posting on X (formerly Twitter), Mutebuka said the timing of Mutsvangwa’s arrest could be linked to his father’s alleged fallout with President Emmerson Mnangagwa and ZANU PF’s succession politics. Wrote Mutebuka:
<blockquote>
1. ZANU PF isinjonjo or tamba waka chenjera, they have always said. It’s prone to eating it’s own children from time to time.
2. We know that Chris Mutsvangwa fairly recently fell out with ED, leading to his unceremonious exit from Cabinet, while his wife Monica now has a pedestrian and less prominent Cabinet role.
3. While Chris retained his portfolio in ZANU PF, he strategically went into hibernation following his fallout with ED, perhaps rightly choosing to lie low until the worst of the storm had passed.
4. In his absence, we have seen a series of damning letters bearing his signature with sensational content. ZANU PF and the regime have both labelled them fake.
5. Yet the problem is that, sometimes ZANU PF can be engulfed in hysteria and paranoia, particularly in situations mired with succession politics.
6. You really do not know whether some in the party or regime can start to be doubtful or suspicious. To make matters worse, it’s not yet clear whether or not Chris has patched things up with ED, although he appeared to be on the way to doing so.
7. Enter this Neville arrest incident &amp; Monica Mutsvangwa’s leaked audio, which would appear to suggest that she was rattled by this development.
8. Perhaps Neville picked the worst possible moment for his moment of sheer folly – recklessly displaying a WhatsApp status capable of being construed as showing defiance &amp; contempt via showing his current $ZiG v US$ rate at a time the regime is nervously &amp; desperately trying everything to shore up the beleaguered currency’s value.
9. That clumsiness/immaturity/recklessness probably converged with an uncompleted patching-up process between Chris &amp; ED and elements in the regime who still had unfinished business with Chris went Voila! takubatira pano!
10. It is a combination of unfinished business &amp; conspiracies surrounding succession politics which potentially spells doom for Neville.
11. By the looks of things, the regime has been aware of Neville’s shenanigans for some time. Typical of the regime, it lets you relax …. appearing not to take notice of this until such a time you cross its path like he has now done, before proceeding to throw the book at the presumed villain mercilessly!
12. And so it seems that via that lengthy charge sheet and the customary denial of bail before the weekend usually reserved for the regime’s worst critics, we can fathom that Neville could be in for a chastening experience pursuant to sending a chilling message to his garrulous &amp; indiscrete father.
13. Monica would not get rattled unless she felt she had cause to via intuition, premonition or a sense of foreboding from either the rumour mill, recent events or muscle memory over how ZANU PF politics has been conducted over the years.
14. Then there is the question of who recorded &amp; leaked that audio and for what purpose. This has to have been someone who had access to her, an insider who was trusted, or the regime simply calculated that once told of the arrest, she would be unable to resist the “nibble” and download to a “trusted ally” and then proceeded to intercept the call.
15. Leaking the call would serve the purpose of broadcasting her palpable fear and insecurities while also exposing her distrust of the regime – and casting her and Chris as outsiders, and not the courtiers/insiders they had been perceived as since the rise of the Vene Kingdom.
Conclusion
Early days but the omens do not look good for Chris and his family in the Vene Kingdom. Clouds appear to be darkening and vultures appear to be settling, but we are not quite there yet.
You see, strange things always tend to happen in politics. Sometimes you smell these things. You can sense a relationship that is rupturing or falling apart at the seams.
You see, some relationships are so profound in nature and character that, even a minor dislocation to the established equilibrium is not capable of being reconstituted – at least not easily or quickly.
Dislocation can cause annoyance – which is reparable, or it can result in a catastrophic loss of trust or connection, or safe space/bubble or treasured ‘dynamic’ and suddenly everything feels off!
That could be where Chris &amp; his family are at a most delicate moment in the succession battle, casting them as outsiders and deserving of the treatment which should be meted out to “enemies”!
All should be revealed in the next few weeks. We should mark out whether there is escalation or de-escalation.
Make no mistake, the longer Neville languishes in “Reeds”, the more likely it will be that it will seem like curtains for Chris, that man, whose footage merrily dancing to and singing “Kutonga Kwaro” at the HCC celebrating ED’s dramatic rise in November 2017 is indelibly etched on the nation’s psyche.
If that were to happen, such a development would be so surreal as to be violently jarring to many Zimbabweans watching the drama from the terraces.
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

Why Neville Mutsvangwa Could Be In Trouble - Mutebuka

Brighton Mutebuka, a UK-based Zimbabwean academic, asserts that the election of Bassirou Diomaye Faye as the President of Senegal underscores several critical factors that contribute to the success of young African politicians in elections. 
These factors include an independent electoral body, minimal intervention by the security establishment, and a populist political message.
Bassirou Diomaye Faye, a relatively unheralded 44-year-old opposition leader, secured an impressive 53.7% of the votes in Senegal’s presidential election held recently, making him the youngest elected president in Africa.
Faye’s victory reflects the youth’s frustration with high unemployment and concerns about governance in the West African nation.
Commenting on this development, Mutebuka acknowledges that while it remains uncertain whether the Pan-Africanism and anti-colonial sentiment that propelled Faye into office can extend to Southern Africa, the possibility of change exists when the electoral body operates independently and the military refrains from propping up incumbents. Wrote Mutebuka:
<blockquote>
<h2>Lessons From Bassirou Diomaye Faye’s Election As Senegalese President</h2>
1. In Africa, perhaps sub-Saharan Africa, age is no longer a barrier to ascendancy to the highest office.
2. Whilst there is no guarantee that what happened in Senegal can be replicated elsewhere, particularly pertaining to the strength of feeling vis-à-vis Pan-Africanism &amp; anti-colonial sentiment, it seems that there is a general trend in that direction which can be deployed to tap into young voters.
3. Perhaps the strength of feeling / relative radicalism is more pronounced in West Africa where we have witnessed wildly / radically anti-French coups which have achieved resonance with the rank &amp; file citizens in Mali, Burkina Faso &amp; Niger.
4. It is not clear at this point whether or not such sentiments can extend to the rough &amp; tumble of Southern African politics, especially in Zimbabwe.
5. @Julius_S_Malema has clearly been doing well by championing a populist pro-poor &amp; pro-Russia &amp; China agenda &amp; by definition, anti-West. What is clear is that he has not been doing well enough nationally to threaten to torpedo the prevailing political orthodoxy &amp; thus upend @MYANC’s dominance.
6. In Zimbabwe there’s an entrenched military-industrial complex in power and there are solid grounds that but for that interference in political matters, regime change would have taken place in elections which took place in 2002, 2005, 2008, 2013, 2018 &amp; 2023.
7. Zambia, Botswana, Namibia &amp; South Africa are, in comparison to Mozambique, Angola, Lesotho, Swaziland &amp; DRC, relatively stable democracies where the will of the people can roughly be expected to prevail, bar one or two considerations.
8. It would appear that the key ingredients for transition to take place are: an independent electoral body, lack of intervention by the security establishment and a sound / populist political message which galvanises the masses &amp; captures the prevailing mood / resonates with the grassroots.
<h2>Conclusion</h2>
Whilst it is clear that West Africa is a hotbed of anti-French political sentiments, it’s unclear whether or not such undercurrents also permeate the underbelly of Southern African politics. Democracy is still clearly a work in progress in the region – perhaps it could be said in retreat.
Liberation Struggle political parties still hold sway but largely through exploiting their struggle credentials via conflating / blurring the boundaries between party &amp; state institutions – which makes for unstable democracies, and fluid &amp; uncertain political futures.
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

Lessons From Bassirou Diomaye Faye's Election As Senegalese President - Mutebuka

Brighton Mutebuka, a Zimbabwean lawyer based in the UK, has provided an update on the <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/2024/01/30/mkwananzi-informs-parliament-hes-the-acting-president-in-ccc-hints-on-bringing-chamisa-back/">purported ascendancy of Promise Mkwananzi to the post of acting President</a> within Zimbabwe’s opposition movement. He stated that Mkwananzi denied being captured by the regime and stated that there were no genuine warrants against him. He said:
<blockquote>
Promise was in touch yesterday following my post. He protested against any insinuation that he might have been captured by the regime. These are his exact words: ” …. you could have just asked about the warrants and I would have gladly answered you. There was never a genuine warrant against me that time. It was just a way to derail my political activity.”
He also assured me that his ascendancy was above board and in the best interests of CCC in its unadulterated form while I also made it clear to him that I would seek corroboration from other parties as well.
</blockquote>
Mutebuka said he attempted to communicate with Promise but received no response. He said:
<blockquote>
When I later sought to afford him an opportunity to address the above issues, they were blue ticked meaning he read my messages but they went unanswered. I tried to call him but the call went unanswered. I finally sent him a text asking him to let me know when he would be free to have a chat. That was also blue ticked but not responded to.
</blockquote>
Mutebuka mentioned that he learned from Mkawananzi’s colleagues that when he declared himself as acting president of CCC, it was not his own idea. Others approached him to protect the interests of the remaining members of CCC. The situation changed during a recent CNA meeting, where Mr. Timba took over from Promise to safeguard those interests. They acknowledged that their current actions would involve engaging in strategic political moves with the regime. Mutebuka added: 
<blockquote>
Key Takeaways
i. Promise was not representing Chamisa’s interests yesterday. His ascendancy was in line with the fluidity of the situation.
ii. Credible reports suggest that there is now a 4-way tussle for the control of the CCC shell/carcass fronted by Timba, Hwende, Ncube and Tshabangu.
iii. Credible reports from his colleagues suggest that Promise indeed does have connections in the murky world of the regime’s security establishment.
iv. The reports further highlighted that, owing to those connections, he has created uncertainty in Hwende’s camp &amp; others that he could be empowered to wield recalls and by association have a shot at earning funding from the Political Parties’ Finance Act.
v. In short, all factions are rudderless, working at cross purposes and hopelessly at the mercy of the regime’s machinations. They hope to have a share of the assets but – that is the regime’s prerogative.
vi. It was telling that Promise was unable to either return my calls or provide a compelling account of how his warrants of arrest were overlooked by the regime. His explanation was as convenient as it was superficial/implausible. He was too eager to hush it up.
vii. He has thus failed the credibility/probity test. Warrants aren’t just cancelled, even when they are bogus, especially by a regime such as the Zim one. There is a legal/administrative process that is followed.
viii. Tshabangu’s reign of terror has effectively come to an end but not without wreaking havoc on Zim’s body politic unseen in generations and perhaps not to be seen in our lifetime.
ix. Via Tshabangu, ED has his two-thirds in sight while Nelson Chamisa has been forced out of office. It is Chamisa’s exit which has helped to smoothen/unlock/accelerate processes surrounding the release of the long-suffering Job “Wiwa” Sikhala.
x. CCC is dead. A new project is required which reflects on and addresses the cause of it’s demise. Those left in CCC now trying to resuscitate it are flogging a dead horse – regardless of the sincerity of their belief in how just they think their cause is.
</blockquote>
Mutebuka concludes that the regime has successfully manipulated the opposition, causing them to fight amongst themselves for power, similar to a polygamous marriage where attention is sought.
<h3>Sihkala’s Release</h3>
The impact of<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/2024/01/30/job-sikhala-and-godfrey-sithole-handed-wholly-suspended-2-year-jail-sentences/"> Sikhala’s release</a> on the political landscape remains uncertain, as political figures like him are not typically released easily. Such a release can only happen with the approval of the political establishment, likely through a high-stakes arrangement on the political chessboard. Mutebuka believes that any such arrangement will not benefit the opposition, and the involvement of President <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/2024/01/31/tshabangu-negotiated-with-the-state-for-job-sikhalas-release/">Emmerson Mnangagwa’s lawyer and Tshabangu’s team signifies this.</a> Mutebuka says the timing and circumstances of Wiwa’s release are too conspicuous to be irrelevant, indicating a trade-off or political transaction behind the scenes. The nature of this trade-off will be revealed in due time.
Mutebuka suggests that Job’s release coinciding with Chamisa’s forced removal from CCC is too much of a political coincidence. The future will show whether their political paths will align or diverge. He says currently, the regime is moving closer to establishing a one-party state, gaining more control over the political landscape. Mutebuka urges Sikhala not to betray the people. 
<h3><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">More Pindula News</a></h3>

Zimbabwe Opposition Update: Promise Mkwananzi's Denial, Factional Struggles, And Sikhala's Release

United Kingdom-based Zimbabwean lawyer, Brighton Mutebuka, has stated that the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) party can fight back against Sengezo Tshabangu and President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who they believe are working together to destroy the opposition. Tshabangu has been recalling CCC Members of Parliament and councillors, claiming that they no longer belong to the party. However, the CCC party denies Tshabangu’s claim and believes he is collaborating with ZANU PF to secure the ruling party’s two-thirds majority in Parliament.
Mutebuka argues that ZANU PF should not be allowed to violate the constitution and human rights without consequences. He suggests that the opposition party should adopt an irregular and flexible approach to outmanoeuvre the regime. He believes that peaceful mass protests should not be disregarded entirely, even in the face of regime brutality. Mutebuka said:
<blockquote>
Any credible opposition party which seeks to deliver change in an authoritarian environment has to follow the centuries-old path trodden by our forbearers – that of painstakingly challenging dictatorship by relentlessly chipping away at it until a stream turns into a flood!
To counteract rampant impunity, a high cost should always be imposed on dictators following any incident which crosses the Rubicon when it comes to violating democratic norms.
The more that acts of impunity are left unchallenged, the more they are likely to be repeated or even exceeded. The more that an opposition political party fails to devise methods of pushing back against brutality &amp; impunity effectively, the more it loses credibility while also leaving its members exposed or at the mercy of the rampant dictatorship.
</blockquote>
Mutebuka asserts that brutal regimes only stop their brutality when all forms of credible opposition are silenced. Mutebuka argues that it is not credible for an opposition party to disavow political protests without offering an alternative strategy to rein in the offending behaviour of the regime.
To retain credibility and keep the regime off balance, Mutebuka suggests that the opposition party must demonstrate its ability to mobilise e and protest with devastating consequences. He believes that the current crisis requires a fundamental shift in mindset and decisive leadership from the CCC party and its leader, Nelson Chamisa. Without building the capacity to pose a credible and effective counterattack against the regime, any new structure or variation of the current one will remain vulnerable to the relentless onslaught of the regime.
Since the August 2023 elections, there has been an impasse between ZANU PF and the CCC. The CCC believes that the election results were manipulated in favour of President Mnangagwa and called for new elections, but their request was ignored. The crisis escalated when Sengezo Tshabangu recalled CCC Members of Parliament and Councillors. The CCC sought help from SADC but was advised to address their concerns through local courts. However, the CCC argues that the local courts are controlled by ZANU PF, as seen through the banning of their candidates from participating in by-elections. The government has previously cracked down on dissent and banned protests, leaving the CCC with limited options. CCC says there are concerns that if ZANU PF goes unchallenged, they may amend the constitution to allow President Mnangagwa to remain in power indefinitely or establish a one-party state in Zimbabwe.
<h3><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">More Pindula News</a></h3>

Fighting Back Against ED & Tshabangu Is Possible  - Mutebuka

Political commentator Brighton Mutebuka said that the Citizens’ Coalition for Change (CCC) led by Nelson Chamisa should change its strategy before it loses credibility with its supporters.
Mutebuka argued that CCC should politically mobilise its support base to challenge Sengezo Tshabangu ” within the parameters of the Constitution” rather than seeking redress through “captured” courts.
This comes after Tshabangu, who claims to be CCC’s interim secretary general, won almost all court cases against his challenges within the opposition.
On Friday night, High Court judge Justice Isaac Muzenda granted an application by Tshabangu, confirming that recalled CCC MPs cannot stand in by-elections being held today.
This means that all the National Assembly candidates sponsored by the CCC party led by Chamisa were barred from running in the by-elections currently underway. Said Mutebuka:
<blockquote>
1. There comes a point when a line in the sand has to be drawn about the continued use or reliance on a strategy that is not yielding any dividend or playing to the strengths of your opponent.
2. Any further approaches to a captured Judiciary by CCC will either offend or bleed support or credibility. That door should be firmly shut for now!
3. Tshabangu’s fate should have already been sealed via politically mobilising the victims of his shenanigans within the parameters of the Constitution to challenge him!
4. It is them after all, and not the captured Courts who can tell whether or not he is an imposter or a genuine leader.
5. The situation has reached a point of severity where it is credible to ask why the opposition has failed, refused or neglected to mobilise their constituency/members/supporters to seek redress &amp; to voice their popular/mass discontent with the regime’s shenanigans!
6. Just in case there is something that our analysis has missed, @nelsonchamisa &amp; @CCCZimbabwe owe Zimbabweans an explanation as to why that route has not been pursued and how it is hoped in future the povo can be persuaded to risk it all &amp; go and vote again in the name of seeking political change or continue believing in the opposition cause when it appears to be struggling to modify its rules of engagement to address the unique threats that it faces from a ruthless &amp; uncompromising regime!
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

Chamisa Owes Supporters An Explanation Over Response To Tshabangu Onslaught - Mutebuka

Brighton Mutebuka, a Zimbabwean lawyer based in the United Kingdom, has stated that the Constitution of the opposition party Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) proves that Sengezo Tshabangu is not the party’s interim Secretary-General, as he claims.
Tshabangu has been making significant decisions on behalf of the party, such as recalling Members of Parliament and local government representatives on the grounds that they had ceased to be members of the party. However, some CCC leaders, including party president Nelson Chamisa, argue that Tshabangu is not a party member or its Secretary-General. They have, however, not provided evidence to prove this, even in court cases where recalled officials challenged their expulsion.
There is a document going around on social media that is said to be the CCC constitution. This document centralises party power in Nelson Chamisa. It read in part:
<blockquote>
7.3 There shall be a leader and Change Champion in Chief (Adv Nelson Chamisa) who shall be the Administrator and President tasked by the citizens to champion, head and guide Processes of the movement in between sessions of the CNA until an elective citizen convention is held. The Change Champion in Chief shall be the chief spokesperson and chief representative of the CCC as well as the custodian of its documents, property and wellbeing.
</blockquote>
Mutebuka believes that the party’s Constitution proves Tshabangu is an impostor and should have prevented these recalls from happening in the first place. <a href="https://twitter.com/BMutebuka/status/1727073251279425769/history">His post on X</a> read in part:
<blockquote>
a. The @CCCZimbabwe Constitution proves that the imposter is not &amp; has never been the ISG he claims to be. That should have been enough to stop the purges at Parliament. The quality of the Constitution is an irrelevant consideration – it only becomes relevant in a different context – adherence to democratic ethos, a matter not under consideration! 
b. @ZECzim is likely to have had a copy of that same Constitution &amp; a letter from @nelsonchamisa since before the Aug 2023 elections &amp; yet kept quiet &amp; acted on Tshabangu’s illegal recall letters. That should have been enough to have avoided all recalls from the beginning! 
c. Away from the understandable noise, if you look at the grim political reality, extrapolating from this, say if you were in a marriage &amp; had been divorced several times &amp; each time you were left financially &amp; materially poorer, would you not consider employing an extreme measure to prevent such a recurrence? 
d. Is the very bizarre fact that such as clear an imposter as Tshabangu has audaciously succeeded in recalling MPs belonging to a bona fide &amp; different opposition political party not actually vindicate that the very extreme measure that @nelsonchamisa ended up taking was objectively &amp; reasonably necessary to stem such an occurrence &amp; was still not enough?
 e. Tragically, is not the real question that the level of brutality &amp; dictatorship that has now been established in Zimbabwe can now only be adequately met by such equally extreme measures – just to try and achieve survival? 
f. The real question then to ask is, if such a demonstrably extreme &amp; skewed Constitution is not enough to stop ED from hijacking an opposition political party &amp; not for the first time, then what will be?
 g. What ED is actually perversely doing is, on a dictatorship spectrum, to raise the level of extreme dictatorship to such an extent that, if an opposition leader tried to react to it to achieve preservation, the focus / spotlight would actually be on the opposition leader &amp; the measures they have taken to respond to him &amp; not ED’s conduct. 
</blockquote>
Mutebuka says that to understand the theory better, the focus should be on President Mnangagwa’s actions instead of just the CCC Constitution. He said when Mnangagwa took power, his opponents either ran away or were arrested. Mutebuka also says that ED has ignored the national and party constitutions many times.
He also said Mnangagwa uses different methods to stop his opponents, like using other people, keeping them in prison without a time limit, spreading false information, making them change sides, violence and pressuring other countries. Mutebuka said this raises concerns about fair competition against Mnangagwa because he doesn’t follow the rules and might manipulate things. He said the CCC made extreme rules in their constitution because they were afraid of Mnangagwa’s actions. 
<h3><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">More Pindula News</a></h3>

"CCC Constitution Proves That Tshabangu Has Never Been The Interim Secretary-General" - Lawyer

Political commentator Brighton Mutebuka says President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s alleged quest to push for a constitutional amendment to remove the presidential term limit will result in his overthrow by a ZANU PF faction opposed to the plan.
Mnangagwa won his second and final term in the 23 August 2023 elections, and only an amendment of the constitution will allow him to run for another term in 2028 and beyond.
Posting on X, Mutebuka argued that the ongoing recalls of CCC MPs by Sengezo Tshabangu are aimed at reducing the number of opposition legislators to give ZANU PF a two-thirds majority which will result in constitutional amendments. He wrote:
<blockquote>
The Tshabangu Saga Continues – Vindication of EUOM &amp; SEOM Reports &amp; The Beginning Of The End For ED!
1. It’s now clear that the strategy involved luring @CCCZimbabwe into fielding the same recalled candidates &amp; then barring them on a technicality prior to the by-election date to leave ZANU PF candidates uncontested.
2. ED &amp; his regime are clearly oblivious to the fact that the more these shenanigans continue the more they vindicate that the findings of the Electoral Observer Mission Reports were unimpeachable.
3. This makes the case for intervention much more compelling, not less.
4. This behaviour suggests utter contempt for the will of the people &amp; total control of all state institutions, with the appointment of CDF Sibanda to the Politburo (now reversed), saving to confirm that as well.
5. For a man in his 80s, ED has staked a lot on these recalls &amp; in trying to obtain a two-thirds majority in Parliament illegally. More importantly, this opens a second front for ED by provoking a faction in his party which will now accelerate secretly working against him in earnest!
6. An objective assessment of the situation would seem to indicate that, this amounts to political overreaching. His blind ambition is too far-fetched and ignores political realities/fundamentals.
7. Chiwenga’s political ambitions are not a secret. He has clearly gone out of his way to project himself as a loyal deputy, just like ED tried to do during Bob’s last days.
8. He will feel morally entitled to succeed ED given what he believes to have been the huge sacrifices he made by being the coup’s ultimate guarantor by personally putting his neck on the guillotine.
9. Unlike the opposition, he has enduring ties in the military and is capable of leaning on them to stir things up should it come to that or to frustrate ED’s inevitable play at amending the Constitution for a tilt at a 3rd term.
10. Lessons drawn from history suggest that neither ED nor state court jesters egging him on are likely to fully appreciate the true scale of the obstacles that are standing in his way. At the moment, they are caught up in a bubble &amp; believe that they are unstoppable! It’s that illusion that will be their greatest undoing! That is how the beginning of the end starts – by pursuing unrealistic goals!
</blockquote>
Responding to a follower who had asked why CCC leader Nelson Chamisa took a great risk by fielding recalled MPs using the name CCC, Mutebuka said:
<blockquote>
This is not about law but about politics. It’s beyond argument that Chamisa is the leader of CCC. Tshabangu is using ED’s borrowed robes and has even borrowed ED’s Lawyer if that needed spelling out to you. It’s that obsession with pursuing a 3rd term which will be his undoing!
</blockquote>
Meanwhile, Tshabangu’s lawyer Advocate Lewis Uriri on Monday confirmed that they were filing an urgent High Court application seeking to bar recalled CCC legislators and councillors who successfully filed their nomination papers to contest in the 09 December by-elections.
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/2023/11/18/president-mnangagwa-reverses-the-appointment-of-general-valerio-sibanda-to-zanu-pf-politburo/">Pindula News</a>

ED's Obsession With Pursuing A Third Term Will Be His Undoing - Mutebuka

UK-based Zimbabwean lawyer Brighton Mutebuka said that Zimbabwe has entered the age of “Vene” whose guiding ideology is transactional politics.
“Vene” is a Karanga (one of the Shona dialects) word literally translated as “the owners”, that is the owners of the country and its wealth, and is used derisively to describe Zimbabwe’s ruling elite. Posting on X (formerly Twitter), Mutebuka <a href="https://x.com/BMutebuka/status/1723482386829070837?s=20">wrote</a>:
<blockquote>
The Age Of Vene – Zimbabwean Politics Redefined
a. Many Zimbabweans are in denial about the arrival of the age of Vene. This applies to both those in the ruling party &amp; the opposition movement.
b. Vene’s guiding “ideology” is transactional politics. They can work with anyone who submits to their rule.
c. The Rule of Law, Constitutions &amp; conventions are irrelevant. They apply to their rivals &amp; opponents &amp; not to them.
d. The law is what Vene says. If it’s inconvenient they either ignore or reinterpret it. If all fails they make new ones.
e. The people’s democratic preferences are not important. What is important is to control who counts, formally declares the winner, presides over complaints, arrests those who complain &amp; sends those who complain to jail!
f. Vene are so special that they even get to choose who “competes” against them and who to allocate state resources earmarked for successful contestants, so they can even create competition for their opponents as if it’s not hard enough to compete against them!
g. If Vene don’t like the outcome, they use proxies &amp; their control of levers of state power to change that outcome via recalls &amp; command by-elections until they get the outcome that they want.
h. Vene are not concerned with subtleties &amp; other diplomatic niceties. They like to project their power brazenly as a mark of unrivalled dominance over their subjects. They can mow you down in broad daylight.
i. So dazed and confused are Vene’s opponents by their antics that they subconsciously fall into the same trap over &amp; over again – and are then at the mercy of being repeatedly devoured by Vene, like generations of herds of helpless &amp; flailing Wildebeests attempting to cross the great Masai Mara River at the height of The Migration using the steep ends of the banks, only to end up between the jaws of the lying in wait Crocs!
j. Some critics will say, if you have a Constitution, structures, Voters Roll &amp; V11s &amp; you present these to courts you won’t be devoured. After you are devoured, some will say, only if you had stayed without those, maybe you wouldn’t have been devoured after all!
k. Yet others will say, if we create another united smart creature, we won’t be devoured. Others will also say, going into the River in great numbers to confront Crocs will hack it via the sheer weight of numbers!
l. All are in denial that the age of Vene is unlike any other. When it will finally dawn on them, it will be way too late! You see, Crocs have been perfecting their “art” for millions of years!
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

Zimbabwean Politics In The Age Of "Vene": Analysis By Brighton Mutebuka

Brighton Mutebuka, a lawyer from Zimbabwe who resides and works in the United Kingdom (UK), has raised concerns about children of divorced or separated migrants being unfairly denied entry into the UK due to not meeting the “sole responsibility” test.
Recently, UK Immigration Lawyers have seen an increase in cases where visa applications from children of migrants seeking to join their parents in the UK under Working Visa categories are being rejected more often than they should be. Mutebuka said when both parents are still married or living together as unmarried partners, the process is straightforward. They can either apply as a family or the children who are left behind can apply to join the parent who is already in the UK. He added:
<blockquote>
The process becomes very complicated in situations of divorce, separation or children who are young adults and have just turned 18 before the visa application. 
In such a situation, children from families where the parents are no longer together have to demonstrate that the parent that they are joining has got “sole responsibility”, which is a very complex concept under UK Immigration Law. 
Many are oblivious at the point of application how complex this is. 
It requires the parent that the child or children are joining to demonstrate that they have been responsible for making major decisions in the child’s life. 
</blockquote>
Mutebuka also mentioned some examples that are required to prove “sole responsibility” for the children. These examples include choosing their school, paying school fees, attending school meetings, choosing their religion, meeting their daily needs, choosing their doctor, and overseeing their education.
According to the law, the remaining parent must be deceased, have abandoned the children, or demonstrate exceptional circumstances for the children to be granted entry into the UK. Mutebuka says in many cases, applicants struggle to provide the necessary documents within a short period of time. The Home Office sometimes approves the visa for the main applicant but delays the children’s visas by requesting additional documents or explanations.
In some instances, the Home Office asks for a “consent letter” from the remaining parent in the country of origin. However, they then use this letter as a reason to refuse the children’s visas, even if other evidence suggests that the other parent is not involved in the child’s life. As a result, families are separated, which is heart-wrenching. The main applicant has to travel alone and start working while challenging the decision, leaving the children with strangers for months.
Mutebuka said these decisions can be challenged through Administrative Review. Unfortunately, the waiting period for a decision on such challenges is currently around 6 months or more, even in cases involving young and vulnerable children, some of whom have disabilities. Mutebuka believes that this injustice should not continue. He argues that the UK has clear international legal obligations through the human rights treaties it has signed.
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Children Of Divorced Or Separated Migrants Being Unjustly Denied Entry Into The UK - Mutebuka

UK-based Zimbabwean lawyer and political commentator Brighton Mutebuka has refuted journalist Hopewell Chin’ono’s argument that the recall of CCC MPs and councillors by the party’s self-proclaimed interim secretary general Sengezo Tshabangu is a manifestation of disgruntlement among CCC officials and has nothing to do with ZANU PF.
<a href="https://x.com/daddyhope/status/1715371626852737400?s=20">Posting on X on Friday</a>, Chin’ono said President Emmerson Mnangagwa and ZANU PF are only taking advantage “of the CCC chaos” which to the ruling party, is”manna from heaven”.
He posited that Tshabangu has handlers inside CCC who are disgruntled with how their party has been personalised by Nelson Chamisa.
In response, Mutebuka argued that Tshabangu did not initiate the recalls but is a proxy and would not have succeeded in the recalls had he not been working for a principal.
Mutebuka suggested that Tshabangu may have “always been a state asset… either embedded or working on the fringes and lying in wait…” <a href="https://x.com/BMutebuka/status/1715485230088265759?s=20">Wrote Mutebuka</a>:
<blockquote>
1. I am afraid I do not get the reasoning behind this my brother. If Tshabangu has never been a member of @CCCZimbabwe and is not its Interim Secretary General, (as such a position clearly does not exist), it means that regardless of any weaknesses CCC have, in rational terms, this cannot be the reason he has succeeded in achieving recalls that he is otherwise at law not entitled to make!
2. He is succeeding because the regime, via the Speaker’s Office, is entertaining an illegality for political expediency purposes. It means any other illegality can &amp; will succeed as long as the person who is responsible for making that decision lacks integrity &amp; is partisan.
3. It also means that shoring up structural weaknesses will, at its highest, either minimise or make the regime’s task more challenging, but it is insufficient to totally eliminate such a risk because of the capture of all state institutions by the regime.
4. A good example is that ZEC repeatedly behaved illegally despite there being sufficient legal safeguards outlawing such behaviour via the Constitution &amp; Electoral Laws.
5. This is a clear misdiagnosis, my brother. Who initiated the recalls is not Tshabangu, because he is a proxy. A proxy is an instrument or Agent of the Principal. We have to assess the real power behind the throne as, without such power, there would be no movement on the ground.
6. He is carrying out his Principal’s political interests &amp; has been given free rein to act that way. Had he been acting contrary to the regime’s interests, he would not have succeeded in the recalls.
7. In all political parties, there are many disgruntled party members. They do not necessarily pursue recalls to achieve their political objectives.
8. For all we know, it cannot be discounted that Tshabangu has always been a state asset, (sleeper asset), who was either embedded or working on the fringes &amp; lying in wait and is exploiting his apparent connections with others either naive or disgruntled party members to finally execute his mission.
9. There is no rational explanation as to why such an angle has not been explored, which the current regime is clearly capable of executing.
10. The reason why such a rigorous examination is critical is this. The timing of Tshabangu’s shenanigans is exceptionally convenient to the regime.
11. The regime has been under the cosh &amp; facing a legitimate crisis. We also know that it was recently in Jambezi, Wedza drumming up command petitions to help it respond to the SEOM Report.
12. Even if @nelsonchamisawas the worst dictator ever in opposition politics, it is simply not credible that a genuine member of the opposition party would overlook the conclusions of the SEOM Report, the gross injustices that were witnessed &amp; their impact on not only CCC as an opposition political party but the generality of Zimbabweans who were outrageously disenfranchised in the elections – and prioritise the recalls over &amp; above those concerns.
13. I will be bold &amp; go as far as to assert that there is a high degree of possibility that any political opposition leader or member of @CCCZimbabwe who is working with Tshabangu at this particular moment in time is likely to have always harboured an intention to work against the party &amp; Chamisa &amp; was thus waiting to pounce as soon as any such opportunity presented itself so that instead of being accused of treachery or betrayal, it would seem as if there was a just cause for doing so, thereby lessening the degree of culpability to be attributed to them.
14. I might be wrong, but the concern that I have is that your conclusions seem to inadvertently allow the regime to escape scrutiny for its unacceptable behaviour by unjustly undermining the opposition at key moments.
15. The inescapable conclusion is that the regime is fully responsible for Tshabangu’s senseless &amp; unconstitutional recalls being successful. It must be fully held to account for that roguish behaviour which is not found in civilised &amp; democratic societies.
16. Yes, it is preferable for the opposition to have robust structures &amp; a sound Constitution, but even structureless &amp; constitution-free parties are perfectly permissible in our jurisdiction and are entitled to the full protection of the law.
17. The fact that you rightly or understandably prefer Chamisa’s party to have a Constitution does not mean that you should overlook the regime’s culpability &amp; call it out for what it is. You could be suffering from a handicap called “confirmation bias“, which means that due to your conviction that Chamisa is wrong by virtue of relying on “strategic ambiguity” or the claimed absence of structures &amp; a Constitution, all his political misfortunes or what his party is currently experiencing is attributable to that defect and all other potential reasonable explanations are excluded.
18. As always, context is key in such situations. You are duty-bound to look at the regime’s behaviour since it came to power &amp; throughout this entire electoral cycle.
19. The inescapable conclusion is that it is simply a regime which does not respect democracy, the Constitution, the rule of law &amp; good governance at every level.
20. Also look at how ED came to power. Did he respect the ZANU PF Constitution? Did he respect the national Constitution? If he did not then why would it be rational to conclude that he would respect @CCCZimbabwe‘s Constitution even if it had one? What would hold him back or act as a sufficient deterrence &amp; why? 
21. I would argue that the very reasons why ED was successful in getting his party &amp; the nation to accept his ascendancy via a coup, notwithstanding the unlawfulness forms the basis of how he has governed Zimbabwe. He has got a template which has worked well for him &amp; his acolytes thus far. 
22. He can deploy deception when he wants &amp; can use force on other occasions while on others he simply leans on captured state institutions. We have to grudgingly give him credit for his aptitude in the dark arts of deception &amp; skulduggery if he is routinely able to convince a person possessing your skills &amp; expertise that he is not culpable in a situation such as this!
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

ZANU PF-led Govt Must Be Held To Account For CCC Recalls - Mutebuka

Brighton Mutebuka, a Zimbabwean lawyer residing in the United Kingdom, argues that while the ruling <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Zimbabwe_African_National_Union_-_Patriotic_Front/">ZANU PF</a> party has a Constitution and structures on paper, it lacks them in practice. He notes that constitutionalism, which entails respecting and upholding the Constitution, is absent within the party.
Mutebuka argues that this lack of Constitutionalism extends to the national Constitution, resulting in minimal regard for the country’s supreme law. <a href="https://twitter.com/BMutebuka/status/1714700729816904159?t=DGwk-E3RGK9KoNYA0Olj1A&amp;s=08">In a post on X,</a> Mutebuka said:
<blockquote>
<h3> Why The Political Reality Is That ZANU PF Has Got No Constitution &amp; Structures! </h3>
a. On paper ZANU PF has a Constitution and Structures. In reality is has got no culture of Constitutionalism. 
b. Constitutionalism refers to the ability and commitment to actually respect the Constitution and uphold its provisions. 
c. That lack of Constitutionalism in ZANU PF has been applied to the national Constitution, with the result that the supreme law of the land is given token appreciation. 
d. Ex-VP (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Joice_Mujuru/">Joice) Mujuru</a> and others were unconstitutionally expelled from ZANU PF in 2015 at the height of the “Gamatox” &amp; “Weevil” factional fighting. There was no due process as they were summarily dismissed. 
e. We saw the same during the vicious G40 v Lacoste succession politics. All it took was a few rallies and the dreaded “no confidence votes”, followed by Baba VaMugabe’s word, which was final. 
f. The most recent ZANU PF party primary elections were plagued by violence and charges of the use of ammunition, <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Forever_Associates_Zimbabwe/">FAZ</a> &amp; CIO so much so that many, including (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Lazarus_Dokora/">Lazarus) Dokora</a> were terrified into withdrawing their candidature, which is clearly unconstitutional. 
g. In November 2017, (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Emmerson_Mnangagwa/">Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa) ED</a> was unconstitutionally expelled from both government &amp; ZANU PF. A few weeks later, he the returned the favour after staging an audacious coup, effectively using a state institution, the Army to resolve an internal political party dispute between rival factions.
 h. Him &amp; his group summarily expelled (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Robert_Mugabe/">Robert Mugabe) Bob</a> &amp; <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/G40_(Zanu-PF_Faction)/">G40</a>. ED was reinstated without any due process being carried out. Ex VP Mphoko was also clearly unlawfully dismissed from his role. One minute it was said the structures voted ED out and the next moment it was said it was vice versa, which is clearly political madness! 
i. Ex government Minister <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Jonathan_Moyo/">Jonathan Moyo</a>, who is currently in exile previously disclosed that he worked with (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Constantino_Chiwenga/">Constantino) Chiwenga</a> in previous elections to campaign for ZANU PF even though the latter was Commander of the ZNA and precluded from participating in politics. 
j. In April-June 2008 in the Presidential Run-Off sham election, soldiers were deployed nationwide even though it was clearly unconstitutional to do so.
</blockquote>
According to Mutebuka, the Judiciary in Zimbabwe has shown a willingness to disregard the Constitution when it serves political interests. He said they supported the 2017 coup which propelled President Emmerson Mnangagwa to power and allowed the Chief Justice <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Luke_Malaba/">Luke Malaba</a> and other Supreme Court justices to return to office, despite it being against constitutional principles.
He also noted that the payment of US$400K to judges before elections was unconstitutional, raising concerns about their integrity and independence. Mutebuka argues that ZANU PF has never had a peaceful transfer of power, showing a lack of respect for the Constitution. He believes that a few powerful individuals control party and state power, determining when to uphold or ignore the Constitution for their own advantage.
Mutebuka believes that only a few individuals in Zimbabwe, both within political parties and the state, truly understand and respect Constitutions and Constitutionalism. He states that the country has a long way to go in terms of embracing these principles. Currently, there is a tendency to superficially adhere to Constitutions for show, but in reality, true respect is lacking. Mutebuka calls for actions to match the rhetoric if genuine change is desired in Zimbabwe.
<h3><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">More Pindula News</a></h3>

The Political Reality Is That ZANU PF Has Got No Constitution & Structures - Mutebuka

Brighton Mutebuka, a Zimbabwean lawyer based in the United Kingdom, has advised <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Nelson_Chamisa/">Nelson Chamisa</a>, the leader of the opposition Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) party, to promptly register a dispute with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) using the Special Electoral Advisory Council (SEAC) process. This process allows non-state actors to register disputes. The advice comes after the SADC Election Observer Mission (SEOM) released its final report on Zimbabwe’s August 2023 elections, urging parties with grievances to pursue appropriate legal channels to exhaust domestic legal remedies.

<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li data-wpview-marker="https%3A%2F%2Fwww.pindula.co.zw%2F2023%2F010%2F14%2Fsadc-urges-zimbabwean-parties-to-approach-courts-over-election-results-grievances%2F"><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/2023/010/14/sadc-urges-zimbabwean-parties-to-approach-courts-over-election-results-grievances/">SADC Urges Zimbabwean Parties To Approach Courts Over Election Results Grievances</a></li>
</ul>
Many have been wondering what could be the next steps for the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) as they relied on the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to pressure Zimbabwe into holding new elections. However, the final report from the SADC Election Observer Mission (SEOM) dampened hopes for fresh elections.
Brighton Mutebuka advises that raising the dispute alone is not sufficient. In a post seen by Pindula News, he suggests that Zimbabweans, especially the opposition, should diplomatically and constitutionally highlight the dispute. Mutebuka warns that the ZANU PF government will likely oppose any protests. <a href="https://x.com/BMutebuka/status/1712977963224867025?s=20">He said on X (formerly Twitter)</a>:
<blockquote>
<h3>Way Forward After The SEOM’s Final Report </h3>
1. Many Zimbabweans have been asking what the way forward should now be following the conclusion of the SEOM process.
 2. My answer is that @nelsonchamisa &amp; @CCCZimbabwe should move swiftly to register a dispute with SADC using the SEAC process which provides for registration of disputes by non-state actors. 
3. Unlike the SEOM process, there is no discretion involved in dealing with such a dispute and all parties to that dispute are treated equally, while provision is also made for its swift resolution. 
4. The mechanics surrounding how the dispute is raised can obviously not be shared here given the sensitivity involved. 
5. The options available in terms of how the dispute can be resolved are much broader and not as constraining as the situation under the SEOM process which the regime in Zimbabwe obviously treats with contempt. 
6. It is not enough to simply raise the dispute. Zimbabweans in general and the opposition in particular should then seek to dramatise that dispute diplomatically &amp; constitutionally, including via sustained, collective peaceful street protests, so that there is no mismatch between an ongoing SEAC process and the prevailing political environment on the ground like we have seen with the SEOM process. 
</blockquote>
Brighton Mutebuka warned that the Zimbabwean regime will likely oppose peaceful protests, resorting to brutal responses such as live ammunition, arbitrary arrests, and denial of bail. Mutebuka believes that successful mobilization and overcoming fear are crucial. He states that Nelson Chamisa, the opposition leader, cannot act alone as he would be immediately shot or arrested, leading to the end of the opposition movement.
Mutebuka says he prefers a scenario where the regime sets aside its pride, stops its current actions, and allows SADC mediation for a free and fair election. However, he acknowledges that the regime is unlikely to cooperate, and the current situation is unsustainable, necessitating a change.
Mutebuka warns that peaceful protests must have sufficient numbers and an effective challenge to the regime, as failure to do so will erode faith in the opposition and elections, potentially leading to radical elements emerging. He also criticizes the opposition’s disengagement from Parliament, which he sees as inadequate. He says the opposition’s lack of consistency confuses its supporters and fails to impose any political consequences on the regime or ruling elite.

<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/2023/010/12/sengezo-tshabangu-defies-chamisa-orders-ccc-councillors-mps-to-go-to-work/">Sengezo Tshabangu Defies Chamisa, Orders CCC Councillors, MPs To Go To Work</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/2023/010/12/sengezo-tshabangu-hints-on-more-recalls/">Sengezo Tshabangu Hints On More Recalls</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/2023/010/10/tshabangu-disowns-chamisa-expulsion-statement/">Tshabangu Disowns Chamisa “Expulsion” Statement</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/2023/010/04/ccc-interim-secretary-general-sengezo-tshabangu-recalls-dozens-of-mps-councillors/">CCC “Interim Secretary General” Sengezo Tshabangu “Recalls” Dozens Of MPs, Councillors</a></li>
</ul>
He said a timely and effective response was needed to address the electoral misconduct and take advantage of the momentum and SADC SEOM process. While nationwide consultations were important for raising awareness and support, they have been overshadowed by the <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Sengezo_Tshabangu/">Sengezo Tshabangu</a> recalls of CCC MPs and councillors, posing an existential challenge. He says a powerful and defiant response is now imperative to maintain credibility and morale, but it’s a difficult task considering the gravity of the situation.
<h3><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">More Pindula News</a></h3>

UK-based Lawyer Mutebuka Advises CCC Leader Chamisa To Register A Dispute With SADC

Brighton Mutebuka, a Zimbabwean lawyer residing in the United Kingdom, has claimed that the ruling party ZANU PF sent <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Sengezo_Tshabangu/">Sengezo Tshabangu</a> to sabotage and possibly destroy the opposition <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Citizens'_Coalition_for_Change/">Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC)</a>. Mutebuka alleges that Sengezo Tshabangu, who has been in the spotlight after declaring himself as the CCC’s Secretary-General and recalling 15 Members of Parliament (MPs) and some councillors, is being controlled by the ruling party.
Parliament Speaker <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Jacob_Mudenda/">Jacob Mudenda</a> acted upon Tshabangu’s instructions and removed the recalled legislators, disregarding a written communication from Chamisa stating that any dealings concerning CCC MPs should go through his office. Tshabangu who is also a lawyer, also asserted that <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Nelson_Chamisa/">Nelson Chamisa</a> was no longer the party president and announced that he had appointed <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Tendai_Biti/">Tendai Biti</a> and <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Welshman_Ncube/">Welshman Ncube</a> in his stead. 
Mutebuka’s analysis suggests that Tshabangu is operating under the guidance of ZANU PF. In a social media post seen by Pindula News, Mutebuka drew parallels between the current events and the circumstances surrounding the formation of the CCC. This comparison likely refers to the previous recalling of MDC Alliance MPs and Councillors aligned with Chamisa, following the party leadership dispute that ended up in court. <a href="https://twitter.com/BMutebuka/status/1711822391779750222/history">Mutebuka said:</a>
<blockquote>
<h3>Political Foolishness On Steroids In Zim As The Regime Deploys A Proxy To Try &amp; Destroy @CCCZimbabwe</h3>
1. The starting premise is that we are all mortals. What that entails is that each &amp; every one of us will ultimately exit this universe at some point. 
2. The next premise is that democracy is a game of numbers. A mandate is earned via convincing the majority of the electorate to vote for you on the basis that you are the best candidate. @nelsonchamisa has successfully achieved that premise &amp; proven his mettle through garnering millions of votes in successive elections. 
3. The regime simply has to come to terms with that political reality. It has to be reminded that the world can see through its crude machinations.
 4. @CCCZimbabwe was formed in January 2022 after a similar charade to what we are witnessing. The regime spectacularly failed to decimate the opposition despite the array of weapons at its disposal. 
5. What the regime is missing is that, the more it targets @nelsonchamisa, the more it inadvertently amplifies his profile &amp; popularity. 
6. Trying to derail his political movement is simply futile. It’s the people who follow him who matter, not political names. The only way to stop him is to ban elections &amp; declare Zimbabwe a one party state. 
</blockquote>
Mutebuka criticised the elderly leaders of Zimbabwe, including President <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Emmerson_Mnangagwa/">Emmerson Mnangagwa</a>, Mudenda, and <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Patrick_Chinamasa/">Patrick Chinamasa</a>, for engaging in “political foolishness” instead of leaving a meaningful legacy. He questioned the point of their actions, such as denying power to Chamisa, engaging in corruption, and terrorising citizens, when their own “end is near”.
Mutebuka found it embarrassing that a party formed in 1963 was fixated on fighting a 45-year-old leader of the opposition. He emphasised the need for Zimbabwe’s leadership to focus on the country’s development rather than eliminating the opposition. Ultimately, he questioned the significance of crowing over opponents if everything was left behind in the end.
<h3><a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">More Pindula News</a></h3>

UK-based Lawyer Says ZANU PF Sent Tshabangu To Destroy CCC

UK-based Zimbabwean legal and political commentator Brighton Mutebuka has criticised journalist Hopewell Chin’ono for his comments in response to CCC’s decision to boycott the official opening of the 10th Parliament and State of the Nation Address (SONA) by President Emmerson Mnangagwa on Tuesday, 03 October.
Chin’ono said CCC Members of Parliament risk losing allowances and the party may lose State funding under the Political Parties (Finance) Act.
He also said CCC MPs “humiliated” Mnangagwa after he addressed only his ZANU PF parliamentarians in front of diplomats and warned that he will come after them in retribution.
Responding to Chin’ono on social media site X, Mutebuka said he was surprised that the award-winning journalist appeared to be advocating for CCC to accept the status quo “feebly” and submit to Mnangagwa knowing fully well that he won’t be appeased. Wrote Mutebuka:
<blockquote>
Why Boycotting ED’s Official Opening Of Parliament Was Politically Palatable!
a. My brother, the starting premise is that [CCC], [Nelson Chamisa] and millions of non-affiliated Zimbos regard ED’s election &amp; the government that he represents as illegitimate.
b. My understanding is that CCC MPs are in Parliament not because they want to but because they have to.
c. As a political entity that is fighting an entrenched dictatorship peacefully, there are only very few options they have to oppose the regime effectively without encountering physical harm or incarceration from the regime – one of which is peaceful protests.
d. Snubbing ED’s charade where he was flanked by his wife delivered a powerful rebuke within the context of political symbolism &amp; challenging legitimacy.
e. Because of the nature of the event and how high profile it was, the snub naturally garnered huge attention &amp; ensured that the running theme of illegitimacy continues to generate national &amp; international headlines – thus staying on the front page &amp; retaining prominence &amp; relevancy.
f. There can be no doubt that such an approach resonates with the political constituency of [CCC] who are still nursing deep wounds from the sham election – while maintaining morale &amp; signalling that the battle still rages on. Attendance would have been devastating, confusing &amp; amounted to political suicide. They would have been open to charges of contradictions, hypocrisy, acquiescence &amp; capitulation!
g. In instances such as these, where the scale of injustice is beyond comprehension, the importance of defiance cannot be overstated in the wider goal of disrupting, dismantling &amp; defeating tyranny, which is never a short-term project. Political protests are a political imperative in such a context.
h. Defiance is a currency that is always worth it when challenging despotic regimes. It being the first official encounter between ED &amp; [CCC] MPs, with that background of stolen elections, one can argue that it was the only rational choice &amp; form of protest that was open to them.
i. In fact, there is cause to argue that it is revolting that they were thrust into that invidious situation &amp; their political choice is even being questioned. Such questions are tantamount to an aberration.
j. If any ire or questions should be directed towards anyone at this moment in time, it should be ED &amp; his despotic regime. In fact, there is a powerful moral &amp; political argument to be had about permitting ED to grace such an occasion at all without repercussions given his casual &amp; brazen disregard of democratic norms &amp; ethos by SADC, Zimbabweans in their generality &amp; [CCC] more specifically.
k. It is an error of judgment to think that ED could ever be pacified. This is clearly an unrelenting battle of attrition pursuant to zero-sum game politics which is focused on total decimation/annihilation of the opposition.
l. ED uses a plethora of tools to carry out his destructive agenda. He can deploy the gloved fist led by his hound dogs, kompromat, infiltration &amp; the proverbial tortoise on a lamppost. He is the king of hybrid/asymmetrical warfare.
m. There is no objective basis for concluding that the absence of a protest would have yielded a different outcome. As things stand, ED is simply decimating the opposition movement by picking &amp; choosing his targets surgically, almost akin to a bird of prey/raptor mercilessly plucking feathers from its victim prior to devouring it. 
n. We are dealing with a continuum. ED simply won’t stop unless all his victims gather enough courage to challenge him in sufficient numbers &amp; in a sustained manner.
p. I remain perturbed by what appears to be the stealth-like eagerness with which you seem to be pushing for a state of affairs that sees the opposition feebly giving in and accepting the situation as it is.
q. Such an approach would simply defer the current political gridlock to 2028 while rewarding brazen electoral theft.
r. I am taken aback by the specific examples you cite as being open to the regime to escalate the situation or as reprisals – such as docking allowances or visiting the Political Parties Finance Act. I am unable to rationalise why it was felt necessary to cite certain examples as opposed to general conclusions on the matter.
s. This is particularly so as it is something that [Jonathan Moyo] has done in the past (and I am sure you are aware of it). The regime never misses an opportunity to feast on such low-hanging fruits.
t. It is difficult to accept that you would have been that naive or reckless as to overlook such a risk given how desperate &amp; vindictive the regime is.
u. As we have all seen today, true to form, the Min of Justice has been reported to be considering that very punitive sanction.
v. There is simply no scope for the opposition to worry about the trinkets that come from Parliament or party funding from the regime.
w. In such hostile political terrain, the biggest concern has to be political survival while continuing to make strides at chipping away at the regime’s legitimacy.
x. If there ever remained any lingering doubts that the opposition needed to up the ante in challenging ED, politically and diplomatically, they should now all evaporate.
z. The latest charade around Parliamentary recalls today suggests that ED is exploring doing away with Presidential term limits. This is not a response to yesterday’s events, it’s an acceleration of a pre-existing agenda of extending the reign of vene vatapa by all means necessary!
</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/">Pindula News</a>

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