Warriors head coach, Zdravko “Loga” Logarusic, has justified his selection of the provisional squad for the African Nations Championship- CHAN 2021 set for Cameroon in January.
The provisional squad is already in camp and the gaffer says the selection was based on previous performances.
This comes as the local league has not started this year due to the coronavirus pandemic with clubs expressing pessimism over the possibility that the league will start before year-end.
The premier soccer league was granted permission to resume training in October but no competitive action has taken place so far. Speaking on the matter, Loga said:
<blockquote>It was difficult to calm the team without a league running but we had to use knowledge of the players so that we can come up with the team.
The tournament is coming up in January so we had to call a team to prepare and we are warriors we will fight.</blockquote>
His remarks were echoed by Warriors midfielder, King Nadolo, who added that the players were doing individual training and are going to compete.
The Warriors are scheduled to play a friendly match against Ngezi Platinum Stars this Thursday.
Below is the Warriors CHAN provisional squad:
Goalkeepers: <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Ariel_Sibanda">Ariel Sibanda</a> (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Highlanders_Football_Club">Highlanders</a>), Simbarashe Chinani (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Dynamos_Football_Club">Dynamos</a>), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Nelson_Chadya">Nelson Chadya</a> (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Ngezi_Platinum_F.C.">Ngezi Platinum Stars</a>), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Petros_Mhari">Petros Mhari</a> (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/FC_Platinum">FC Platinum</a>)
Defenders: Xolani Ndlovu (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Chicken_Inn_Football_Club">Chicken Inn</a>), Peter Muduwa (Highlanders), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Partson_Jaure">Partson Jaure</a> (Dynamos), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Valentine_Musarurwa">Valentine Musarurwa</a> (Harare City), Ian Nekati (Chicken Inn), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Qadr_Amini">Qadr Amini</a> (Ngezi Platinum Stars), Frank Makarati (Ngezi Platinum), Raphael Muduviwa (FC Platinum), Pawell Govere (Golden Eagles), Andrew Mbeba (Highlanders).
Midfielders: Juan Mutudza (Dynamos), Valentine Kadonzvo (Chicken inn), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Ralph_Kawondera">Ralph Kawondera</a> (FC Platinum), Trevor Mavunga (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Triangle_United_Football_Club">Triangle</a>), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Phenias_Bamusi">Phenias Bamusi</a> (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Caps_United_Football_Club">Caps United</a>), Wellington Taderera (Ngezi Platinum), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Devon_Chafa">Devon Chafa</a> (Ngezi Platinum), Kelvin Madzongwe (FC Platinum), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Silas_Songani">Silas Songani</a> (FC Platinum), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Collins_Dhuwa">Collins Dhuwa</a> (Triangle United), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Tichaona_Chipunza">Tichaona Chipunza</a> (Chicken Inn), Ishmael Wadi (Caps United), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Leeroy_Mavunga">Leeroy Mavunga</a> (Caps United), Nqobizitha Masuku (Highlanders), Tatenda Tavengwa (Harare City), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/King_Nadolo">King Nadolo</a> (Dynamos)
Strikers: Obriel Chirinda (Chicken Inn), <a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Stanley_Ngala">Stanley Ngala</a> (FC Platinum), Thomas Chideu (<a href="https://www.pindula.co.zw/Harare_City_FC">Harare City</a>), William Manondo (Harare City)
Usually, Zimbabwe selects locally-based players for CHAN tournaments.
More: <a href="https://www.zbcnews.co.zw/chan-squad-selected-based-on-previous-performances-logarusic/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ZBC News</a>

Pindula News

Zdravko Logarusic Justifies Warriors Team Selection

Albert Einstein is arguably the most influential person of the 20th century and left behind an indelible mark on the sand of time.
At the age of 76 his abdominal aortic aneurysm burst, leading to internal bleeding and severe pain. Even though the doctors recommended it, Einstein refused surgery. This is what he said, “It is tasteless to prolong life artificially. I have done my share; it’s time to go. I will do it elegantly.”
After doing all he did, after all his monumental contributions to science, Albert Einstein knew that the best thing to do when it’s time to go is going. One wise person once said that a good dancer is one who knows when to leave the stage. Sadly, very few in Africa understand the wisdom carried in that statement.
Isn’t it unfortunate that at times those who purport to be change agents resist change when it’s convenient for them. Our dilemma is that most public officials enter into politics from the standpoint of it being a source of livelihood rather than with the intention to serve.
Youths constitute 67% of Zimbabwe’s population. According to Zimbabwe Election Commission (Zec) chairperson Priscilla Chigumba, 60% of the registered 5.3 million voters for this year’s polls are aged between 18 to 40.
What can never be disputed is the fact that the decider of this forthcoming election is going to be the youth vote. Youths cannot be sidelined or disregarded anymore. Gone are the days when youths are relegated and confined to throwing stones during protests.
Many young people have been in the political trenches for a long time and they have developed their efficacies for such a time as this. It’s their time and they can’t be denied. Trying to stand in their way can only lead to detrimental repercussions.
The mushrooming of many independent candidates is a clear sign of the times and how the young people have embraced the spirit and notion that it’s their time. There is an unprecedented generational consensus converging on the reality that indeed this is an election for the youths. This election will be one with the most independent candidates running for office since 1980.
On one hand, established political formations are not doing much to harvest this talent. It’s chiefly a result of entitlement and the fear of losing out to better talent. On the other hand, the prospects of the majority of independent candidates winning are very slim that’s despite the fact that their motivation is not necessarily misplaced.
Like it or not, Zimbabweans vote on partisan lines and so no matter how brilliant one’s manifesto is, it’s not going to be easy to make headway outside a party structure. I am not referring to just any of the numerous frivolous political parties, I am referring to those that win elections and it’s no-brainer which ones they are.
This doesn’t mean that it cannot be done. It can be done. Individuals like Hon. Temba Mliswa have done it before albeit under a different set of dynamics. I have seen one or two independent candidates who have done good work thus far to win an election and I wish them all the best.
Of course, the youth vote will influence the result of this election but it is important to note that they don’t just want to vote. They are also eager and prepared to run for office at various levels. Any person or organisation that understands and acts on this aspect does not only enhance the chances of exploiting the demographic dividends of this reality but they will be on the right side of history.
During an interview on StarFm, Hon. Eddie Cross said, “I am stepping down because I have served my 10 years and I am now passing the baton onto someone young and fresh.” Many youths, including myself have been and are still waiting to hear these words from some office bearers.
Hon. Cross understood that there is nothing that can stop an idea whose time has come. His wisdom must not only be commented on, some office bearers must follow his example especially those who stand for democracy. When the MDC Alliance in particular announces its candidates, it will be a critical marker in ascertaining whether we are moving forward or not.
We need leaders who are not selfish and it’s time for some to graciously pass on the baton to young people. Every door represents two things – entrance and exit. That’s the matrix of a door. It’s used to enter and simultaneously to exit.
The matrix does not end at entrance, it ends at exit.
<h2>Patson Dzamara is a leadership coach, author and politician based in Zimbabwe.</h2>

The Matrix Of A Door: Follow Hon. Eddie Cross' Example

<blockquote>By Patson Dzamara
The legacy of colonialism in Africa has largely affected the idea and nature of the post-colonial state. It is in the wake of decolonization (with all its attendant meanings) that discourses of Negritude, Pan-Africanism, Afropolitanism, Marxist Socialism, Neo-colonialism among others took root. In the efforts to re imagine and reinvent an Africa which did not privilege European ideals at its center, new ideologies and policies were crafted and promulgated.
olonialism in all its forms and with all its multi-dimensional ills was to be done away with and replaced with Afrocentricism. However, the experience soon turned sour; military coups, failed economies and failed social experiments like Ujamaa led to criticisms of the failed states.
Chief among the explanations of failed states was the legacy of colonialism. It was argued that developing countries were in a perpetual neo-colonial exploitative core-periphery relationship with the metropoles of the ‘developed’ world, hence their underdevelopment.
Notwithstanding the exploitative and extractive relations, African political philosophers began to engage with a different legacy of colonialism. Scholars like Mbembe in his seminal work, ‘On the Postcolony’ argues that post-colonial state heavily borrowed from the colonial state especially in the way that violence has come to under-gird rule.
What is statehood?
A state has 8 attributes: territory, population, sovereignty (indivisible and autonomous), power (and accumulation of power through legitimacy, custom and/or fear), law, nation/nationalism (image of civil society as natural), state as international actor, and state as an idea (can be hero or villain).
However, the colonial state lacked the attributes of sovereignty, sense of nation and was not an actor on the international scene but was rather an appendage of the metropolis. Some African countries although considered states, have to some extent failed to make a nation out of the different ethnic groups within their borders. Many have also existed as client states to outside interests; this pseudo-sovereignty also hampering their development into true nationhood and bringing a host of issues with it.
Zimbabwe
Onto the stage of this historical debate, enter Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe, like other former settler colonies, occupies a unique position in that the country was administered by both direct and indirect rule. The sheer power of the relatively small number of settlers and their economic interests made for exploitation and control which was in general a notch above peasant or labor exporting economies, and it can be argued, something close to an economy based on slave labor.
That coupled with the cold war context of the liberation struggle meant that on the eve of independence, the Rhodesian government, like South Africa was heavily armed and merciless towards its enemies.
The present history of Zimbabwe is best situated in the nature of the colonial state, the transition from the colonial to the post colonial state and how the post-colonial state chose to continue the institutions and practices which buttressed the colonial state. It is safe to conclude that what transpired on the 18th of April in 1980 was merely a transition in terms of color rather than systems or modus operandi.
Oppressive similarities between the two dispensations
Civic Society
The colonial state did NOT permit the politico-economic space or social foundation for civil society politics; this derives from a colonial regime’s exclusive ideologies and practices they employed to secure and maintain control. The cutthroat nature of administration employed by and during the colonial state ensured that anything deemed a threat to their oppressive agenda was ruthlessly annihilated.
Accountability was not a part of the colonial state’s modus operandi. They superimposed their whims and fancies on everything and everyone. Borrowing from the colonial state, the Mugabe government has stifled free speech and dissenting voices at every turn.
Under the ZANU PF government, a weak civil society is generally preferred and once civil society seeks to make the government accountable, it is labelled an enemy of the state. It is only those organizations whose mandate is apolitical or those who sing praises to the ruling party that are welcome.
The clamping down on civil society was not so apparent when the economy was on firm ground, not many people worried about political liberties. Marx’s analysis turned out to be true (not Lenin’s), the economy is the superstructure – once livelihoods were disrupted, it became difficult to hide an oppressive political agenda. The existence of a strong civil society is anathema to the ideals of ZANU PF.
This explains why some organisations under the civic society banner have been infiltrated by ZANU PF elements.
Violence
White rule in Southern Rhodesia was characterized by violence. Charles Van Onselen succinctly captures the violent nature of white rule in Chibaro. The colony was founded on violence. Africans were beaten up in their places of work, small tort infractions were often punished with the sjambok and claims like breaches of contract were made criminal.
Violence and the threat thereof was the life blood of the colonial state – it was the only way in which a small minority could control the majority.
Though ubiquitous, the state needed to maintain a facade of legitimacy therefore violent acts were often softened by the threat of force rather than use of it, something which became increasingly useful as the possible repercussions for violence escalated with the rise of black nationalism.
Fast forward to the post-colony: the ZANU PF government has a monopoly on violence. Election violence, human rights violations and everyday abuses in everyday situations characterize the lives of many ordinary Zimbabweans.
Morbid and atrocious acts such as Gukurandi and Murambatsvina are an apt accentuation of the ZANU PF government’s violent nature.
Those who never tasted violence, live in fear of it. The present leaders who lived through colonialism understand the potency of violence and the threats thereof as a means of rule and control. They have borrowed the same colonial tactics of intimidation to rule.
3. Institutions of oppression
Oppressive institutions were not disbanded after independence – in some ways, they were actually buttressed. At the end of the Federation in 1963, Rhodesia inherited its heavy artillery, state of the art aircraft and military airbases. These were used to perpetrate mass terror.
It was not only the military that could mete out violence; the police were equally empowered to deal ruthlessly with African subjects. The anti-riot squadron were actually created for that specific purpose.
After independence, freedom fighters (mainly the Shona ones) were absorbed into the national army and like the Rhodesians before them who answered to Smith, they too answered only to Mugabe. The army which is meant to protect citizens is usually let loose to punish dissenters which in the past have included opposition party supporters and even college students.
The budget for defense is the least affected by economic austerity even though Zimbabwe faces no outside threats. It is not a coincidence. The huge army exists largely for the suppression of any internal dissent and thus to keep the Mugabe regime in power.
Not only does the ZANU PF government rely on the uniformed forces to silence the masses and to mete out violence. It also relies on a well regimented and bastardized social system. Almost all the chiefs and village heads are an appendage of ZANU PF. They campaign and work for ZANU PF. If any of their subjects choose not to conform, they find themselves on the receiving end of violence and alienation.
In order for any form of oppression to thrive, it must be institutionalised. The people were oppressed under colonialism through the use of uniformed forces and pseudo social systems; the people are still oppressed in the post colony by means of the uniformed forces and pseudo social systems.
The law
The law is yet another instrument that was used for political and economic control by the colonial state. The post-colonial state also similarly relies on the law for political and economic control. Acts like the Land Apportionment Act, Masters and Servants Act, Pass Laws etc were used to disenfranchise and control Africans.
The colonial state crafted draconian laws earmarked at furthering their oppressive agenda. The law was meant to bring about the idea of statehood semblance and yet it was merely a medium of oppression.
In the same despicable manner, the law has been used as an instrument of furthering ZANU PF’s agenda. From lobbying for a One Party State in the 1980’s to Land Reform and the various Acts that proscribe freedom of speech and movement, such as AIPPA and POSA. In fact many of these acts are recycled versions of earlier Rhodesian laws earmarked at oppressing the masses.
Resources
Despite socialist leanings inherited from the liberation struggle, the Zimbabwean government did not challenge the ownership of critical and strategic resources by foreigners and whites at and after Independence until their own power was threatened. Until 2000, ZANU PF sought an accommodation with white capital and in the process, became a rentier state of sorts – thus continuing the legacy of white ownership of resources despite empty political promises of nationalization.
Whilst the government pursuing a hard-line anti-Western and populist rhetoric in public they remained beholden to, and profited from foreign industrial interests.
After 2000, white capital was replaced by a coterie of nouveaux-riches connected to or actually in ZANU PF, who then took up land and equipment which they never intended to farm but pillage. For the ordinary Zimbabweans, the benefits of independence in terms of ownership of resources is yet to be realized as ZANU PF bigwigs continue to plunder the country.
White capitalism was by nature extractive and most of the proceeds were repatriated to foreign countries. In spite of that, at the very minimum, jobs however menial were created and infrastructures set up to support that extraction. In the era of ZANU PF landlords, those slim benefits have collapsed, formal jobs belong to a bygone era and despite the immature and bogus celebrations of indigenization, the country is more than ever dependent on foreigners to the point of many reduced to surviving on handouts from aid organizations.
The GDP continues to shrink and corruption is ubiquitous. The post-colonial state has by far outdone the colonial state in terms oppression, maladministration, malevolence, and pretty much every vice they share.
Ethnicity
While ethnicity was not created by white rule like in other places, it was further entrenched by white practice and colonial conceptualizations. The Ndebele were identified as war like while the Shona were said to be docile. Even the delimitation of provinces was along tribal lines: Manicaland, Mashonaland, Matabeleland.
National identity cards cemented and classified one’s ethnicity which in some places had been fluid. The division of peoples into different tribes was instrumental to divide and rule. The Mugabe government made no efforts to foster nation building in terms of identity, an otherwise doable process. Rather, they rode on the foundations of white tribal misclassifications and radically divided the country by slaughtering Ndebele-speakers, largely ordinary citizens, under the pretext of combating ‘dissidents’ in the early 80s.
A Zimbabwe unified along national lines rather than divided by tribe was a threat to ZANU PF hegemony: the person of Joshua Nkomo being the centre of such a threat. Nkomo was a better man than Mugabe, had been a freedom fighter longer than Mugabe and commanded the respect of more people within and out of the Zimbabwean borders. Ethnicity became the trump card by which the younger, lesser known teacher could elbow out the veteran ‘Father Zimbabwe’.
The Mugabe government has deliberately done little presently to channel development funds and projects to Matebeleland, further disenfranchising citizens economically along ethnic lines. All that is deliberate and meant to protect their control of power.
Class
The colonial state created distinct classes out of whites and blacks. One of the aspirations of the Africans pre-independence was to become part of the citizenry and cast off the yoke of subjecthood. This was done in name only. We have become citizens with no attendant rights, just like we were in the colonial era.
In fact, classicism has replaced racism and ZANU PF elites are the ONLY real citizens like white Rhodesians were. As such, subject-hood in the post-colonial state still exists, although it wears a different face.
Under the ZANU PF led government, anyone who is not connected to the oligarch is treated as a second class citizen. The privileges and rights of those who are connected to the oligarch and those who are not are not on the par.
Propaganda
We still live in a country which prioritizes propaganda above truth. Propaganda was a weapon of choice of the Smith regime during the liberation struggle and of other white governments before Smith. Freedom fighters were turned into communist terrorists and claims of independence were rubbished. Mugabe has used similar tactics.
Threats, opponents and nonconformists, like Nkomo, became the subject of propaganda which was disseminated by institutions like ZBC, just as Mugabe’s predecessors had targeted enemies using national institutions. In the 2000s a Ministry of Information i.e. a propaganda ministry was created for the very purpose of dispensing lies, like the colonial state before it.
Anyone who dares to take a stand against the failure of the government to administer its duties automatically becomes a target for character assassination and propaganda. They are portrayed as cousins of the devil and traitors of the diluted nationalist project.
Mugabe – the black Smith
I therefore, argue that the Mugabe regime did not seek to disband the instruments of oppression when it came into power. It fully understood the risk of losing power in a truly democratic setting and so avoided truly democratic institutions and systems.
Joshua Nkomo, a nationalist par excellence was considered a threat at independence. With time, other opposing voices joined the choir of the disgruntled, Tekere with ZUM and later Morgan Tsvangirai at the helm of the MDC.
As such, the institutions and systems of oppression were needed in order to deal with any threat to ZANU PF hegemony. It may seem at first glance that it was unintended that colonial institutions and systems were left intact, for simple convenience, but in fact it was calculated machination and scheming that led to the retaining of the practices and institutions of oppression.
Ours is a case of inherited oppression under an indigenised façade. And just as Zimbabweans had to liberate themselves from the colonial regime, today we must liberate ourselves from its successor, the black Smith, Robert Mugabe.
The black Smith, Robert Mugabe and his minions, must fall.</blockquote>
Patson Dzamara is a leadership coach, author, human rights activist and political analyst based in Zimbabwe.

From White To Black Rhodesia: A Case Of Inherited Oppression

<blockquote>STATEMENT ON BEHALF OF Patson Dzamara
We have noted with great concern, and sadness reports carried in online media, and traditional state media regarding the health of Patson Dzamara
While ordinarily we would not comment on malicious rumours, nor dance to machinations of state mouth pieces, we feel the traction gained by these lies is such that it must be given the appropriate adjectives, lest it be assumed to be true.
To begin with, reports that Patson Dzamara faked his illness, and that the organisation paying his hospital bills, Counselling Services Unit (CSU) are false, misleading, and grounded in pure malice.
Our decision to ignore this article initially was inspired by the assumption that the ‘facts’ stated within it were absurd as they obviously false. In error, we believed that any man or woman capable of reading a sentence in any language would be aware that ‘CSU’ or any other organisation are incapable of getting personal medical records from any institution, regardless of the amount of money they pay.
It violates medical ethics, and an institution like Avenues Clinic would never agree to engage in such a damaging exchange of information.
Furthermore, the article went on to quote ‘sources’ without providing any factual proof to the effect that these even exist.
In no time, seasoned journalists, like Herald’s Political Editor Tichaona Zindoga, and his entire paper, made it their task, to shun any and all journalistic standards by hoping on to hogwash and dirt, in the manner that a pig gets excited by excretions.
We would like to place it on record, that CSU, nor any of its members of staff have ever spoken to the media, or any media personnel. The policy of CSU is that they do not comment on rumours, and they do not issue any statements to the press, at any point, and any time.
Proof of this is readily available, from CSU, and those that think otherwise are free to approach them for clarity, to better taste the response, for their own curiosity.
On top of that, CSU does not pay any activists any amount of money, at any time and for any reason at all. Such information is freely and readily available. Any journalist, analyst, or thinking individual who believes(d) that Patson Dzamara was hospitalized for money needs their head extracted from a buffalo behind, then examined at length.
That said, we would like to express extreme disappointment, that there are individuals, foreign and local, whose sole mandate is to soil the reputation of Patson Dzamara without giving him the due diligence required by those that point fingers.
To attack him on the basis of a bogus news report, propounded by a very bogus journalist who is neither qualified, nor registered in any country is below the level of nonsense. Such news outlets are not the ‘eye’ they claim to be, they are simply ad revenue based sensational lying pit latrines.
The mere fact that they see Itai, Patson’s brother, as a symbol, and opportunity to drive users to their sites, or score points on behalf of Robert Mugabe speaks volumes about the upbringing that some of these people have been through.
That said, Patson Dzamara was ill. It is unfortunate that this has to be said again. He got no prizes for this. There no prizes for illness. His condition though stable now, requires that he travel overseas to see pathologists and specialists who can better chart a direction that is necessary.
Several people of immense integrity who visited his hospital can attest to this. Those that reject this are free to believe that the Easter bunny exists, so does Santa Clause, and the tooth fairy. Those inspired by a genuine desire for truth may resort to their mental reason to get the necessary answers.
– Maynard Manyowa is an official spokesperson Patson Dzamara</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.facebook.com/mkthinktank/posts/10212606038335717">Maynard Manyowa on Facebook</a>

Patson Dzamara responds to reports that he faked his illness

Human rights activist Patson Dzamara has been hospitalised at the Avenues Clinic. Dzamara has not ben been feeling well since he was released from a five-day stint at  Harare Remand Prison.  <a href="http://www.pindula.co.zw/news/2017/04/28/patson-dzamara-tatenda-mombeyarara-arrested-defaulting-court/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Dzamara was jailed for defaulting a court appearance together with his co-accused Tatenda Mombeyarara.</a>  During the five days, Dzamara Patson had to move around bare footed including when using the toilets overflowing with raw sewer

Patson Dzamara hospitalised after five days at Harare Remand prison

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WHY ZIMPF SHAKE UP IS A BLESSING IN DISGUISE
By Patson Dzamara
I have always believed that there is going to be a remnant from ZANU PF. The fact that it’s ZANU PF’s sunset is incontestable.
In light of the aforementioned position, I wish to once again register my position that every saint has a past and every sinner has a future. It is however critical to underscore the fact that for a better future, a sinner has to regenerate and reform.
Indeed, It is a fact that the majority of those who left ZANU PF left the system but the system and its DNA is still very much alive in them. Of course, out of convenience and necessity they presented a reformed face. It really takes a person who has been exposed to the system to understand how it hardens it’s surrogates to such an extend that reform is not a stroll in the park.
With that in mind the following realities lead me to conclude that this is a blessing in disguise.
1. In as much as we are clamouring for a coalition, bulldozing through with unreformed elements in the name of inclisivity would cost us the transition. Eventually their true colours would be manifest and derail the transition mission. It is therefore good that the sifting is happening now.
2. After this shake up, we are going to know a lot more about the people we welcomed and were about to graft into the transition mission. They are surely going to expose each other after this. Brace up for some pertinent revelations.
3. Most importantly this serves to reveal how relevant or irrelevant Mai Mujuru and her gang are to Zimbabwe’s political landscape. They are clearly not as relevant even though they are a critical constituency to be grafted into the coalition, I mean the reformed ones, if there are any.
4. In light of the the above points, ZIM PF stands to benefit more than anyone in a coalition matrix. They need it more, otherwise without the coalition they don’t stand any practical chance of doing anything meaningful unless if something drastic happens.
5. It is therefore only practical to lean towards the tried and tested leadership of Tsvangirai and the MDC-T, either under a coalition or not. The MDC-T must make it a point to find its former members who have now become distant cousins.
(Patson Dzamara is a democracy advocate, leadership coach and author based in Zimbabwe)
More: <a href="https://www.facebook.com/DocPeedee/posts/10209075877760767">Patson Dzamara on Facebook</a>
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Full statement by Patson Dzamara on why the firing of Rugare Gumbo, Didymus Mutasa & others from ZimPF by Mujuru is a blessing in disguise

In a lengthy Facebook post, political activist, <a href="http://www.pindula.co.zw/Patson_Dzamara">Patson Dzamara</a> announced that he is taking a break from political activism until early 2017. In the post, Dzamara also revealed that his blood pressure has not normalised since his discharge from hospital last week after he was abducted and assaulted.
In the Facebook post Dzamara said:
<blockquote>As the year gravitates towards the inevitable end, I find it noble to take time out and attend to myself. After all is said and done, i still need to take care of myself. I cannot afford to ignore the demand to attend to myself. It is also imperative to restrategize and re-engage for the journey ahead.
Tomorrow is the 1st of December and today marks the end of my ‘active working’ year. I will still be available on this platform and others although sparingly. My involvement in national processes will be minimal henceforth until the beginning of next year.</blockquote>
Dzamara then goes on to thank his supporters and vows that he will continue with activism as he has not ‘arrived yet’.
More: <a href="https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10208474104196804&amp;set=a.1469027612340.2062936.1433075319&amp;type=3">Patson Dzamara on Facebook</a>

Patson Dzamara announces "break" from political activism

The World Bank responded to <a href="http://www.pindula.co.zw/Patson_Dzamara">Patson Dzamara</a>‘s petition which he presented to the finance institution cautioning it against extending a rescue package for the Zanu-PF government. The World Bank said that it is not considering giving Zimbabwe any emergency funding because of outstanding arrears, and this position will not change anytime soon.
Part of the response read,
<blockquote>In Zimbabwe, the World Bank can only resume direct financial support to Zimbabwe when the issue of arrears is fully resolved. This approach is standard to all international financial institutions. Upon arrears clearance, however, Zimbabwe would be eligible as a borrowing member of the bank to a broad range of financing instruments, all of which would be subject to the strong safeguard policies and mechanisms mentioned above. To this end, I would like to invite you to dialogue with our team working on Zimbabwe to help improve our understating of the challenges in Zimbabwe today and to help us carve out an appropriate engagement strategy of your country.</blockquote>
More: <a href="https://www.dailynews.co.zw/articles/2016/09/29/world-bank-snubs-mugabe-govt">Daily News</a>

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